| The Battle for Kosovo |
| by Nebojsa Malic |
| [Adapted from remarks given before the Njegos Endowment for Serbian Studies, Columbia University, New York, Nov. 3.] Not Decided Yet If one were to be informed strictly by the mainstream media in the English-speaking world, it would be very hard to harbor any doubts about the future status of Kosovo. The occupied Serbian province – though, of course, never referred to as such, but always as a region with a 90 percent Albanian majority – is expected to declare independence within months, if not weeks, with the full support of Washington, London, and Brussels. Could it be, however, that these tireless tirades about the "inevitability" of Kosovo's separation are an effort to counter the fact that it is by no means inevitable, perhaps not even as likely as it would have been several years ago? Albanian arguments for secession are well known: majority of the population, a claim to self-determination, allegations of Serb repression, atrocities, "ethnic cleansing," etc. Most of this is fiction, the rest quite irrelevant. There is only one real argument, that of force. NATO's 1999 intervention and the subsequent occupation of Kosovo have created a "reality on the ground." But since the civilized world still hesitates to endorse naked aggression, the case for "Kosova" is dressed in humanitarian clothing and the rhetoric of "liberation." Logic favors the Serb arguments, though. If the borders of the Yugoslav republics were declared sacrosanct in an effort to deny the Serbs west of the Drina their right of self-determination in the 1990s, then Serbia's borders ought to be sacrosanct, too, no matter how loudly the KLA complains or how violent it gets. ICG founder Morton Abramowitz dismisses this as "Serbs seeking perfect reasoning," but there's nothing perfect about it. It is simple logic, unlike the completely irrational "logic" of the Empire, which proclaims one rule today and a completely different one tomorrow to suit its own caprices. As Doug Bandow once remarked, the only rule in the Balkans seems to be "the Serbs always lose." For what it's worth, then, the law is firmly on Belgrade's side as well; no other country in the world has been forced to give up a part of its territory to a separatist minority, especially not through illegal occupation as a result of illegal aggression. It took the post-Milosevic leadership in Belgrade five years to understand this basic concept, but they appear to have lined up behind it to the best of their ability. This is why the Contact Group – an abomination resurrected from the ashes of Europe's dark past – has organized the "negotiations" on Kosovo's status as a way to pressure Serbia to voluntarily surrender its occupied territory. In the words of one commentator, it is an offer to declare rape consensual. Power and Control What happened in 1998 and 1999 was not a result of Albanian lobbying. It came about as a result of joint policy by imperialists in America and Europe who saw Serbia as an obstacle to their control of "Southeastern Europe." Albanians were used as a weapon against Serbia. This is why Kosovo did not become independent in 1999, and has not become independent yet. The 1999 war was more than just a distraction from Clinton's sexcapades; other people were involved as well. Many principals of NATO's endeavor are still around, or have been promoted. Take for example Javier Solana, then secretary-general of NATO, now the de facto foreign minister of the EU. More to the point, the worldview imposed by NATO in 1999 – the asserted "right" of those with military power to attack anyone, anywhere, on a fabricated pretext, in direct violation of international law, conventions, and treaties – is dominant today. The destruction of Yugoslavia was partly engineered – certainly encouraged – by imperialist politicians in Europe and America, as a way to claim more power, escape the confines of international law, and flex their newfound imperial muscle. In 1990, a German who dared envision the Bundeswehr occupying a portion of Serbia following the Luftwaffe bombing of Belgrade would have been arrested on charges of glorifying the Nazi past. Yet both of those things came to pass and were praised as "progress." Today, the German military is girding for more foreign intervention, without a word of protest. In 1991, Americans wanted a "peace dividend" from four decades of gearing up for war with the Soviet Union. What they got was a "benevolent global hegemony" that seeks to insert American money, troops, and bombs into every corner of the globe that a handful of policymakers in Washington believes crucial to ongoing American world supremacy. If rumors about Ahtisaari's proposal are true, the Empire is trying to establish a Bosnia-style arrangement in Kosovo, which would give Albanians independence on paper but make them a dependency of the EU in fact. As said here before, this sort of "solution" is the worst of all worlds; the Albanians would continue to blame everyone else for the barbaric state of their society and economy (for which they have only themselves to blame), taking that anger out on the few remaining Serbs – who will be cut off from Serbia and trapped in "diversity reservations" much as they are now – and the transient imperial bureaucrats, who will cower in their compounds much as they do now and issue statements about how democracy and human rights in "multi-ethnic" Kosovo are doing just fine, thank you very much. This isn't about Serbs or Albanians; it's about power and control. Soul of a Nation Kosovo is much more than 15 percent of modern Serbia's territory, or a depository of mineral wealth, as some materialistic analysts dub it. It is the birthplace of Serb ethnic identity. Every nation has its own "creation myth." Americans celebrate their own every 4th of July: the Declaration of Independence, George Washington and the Continental Army, the Boston Tea Party… For Serbs, it is a hot summer day in 1389 when their quarrelsome nobles rallied to offer battle to the invading Turks. Perhaps the actions of Prince Lazar and his nobles were not so pure as the oral tradition made them out to be – but they nonetheless inspired such a tradition, and ensured that a spirit of liberty and honor persevered for the next 400 years under the cruel Ottoman yoke. This tradition infuriates the modern "liberals" and "democrats," who – true to their Communist roots – fear and despise religion, deny objective morality, and wallow in relativist drivel. It is not a coincidence that the loudest and most obnoxious Serb-haters in Serbia itself are formerly privileged members of the Old Regime and their young protégés. The Ottoman Empire, Austria-Hungary, Imperial or Nazi Germany, the Comintern, or the American Hegemony: every force that saw Serbia as a threat throughout its modern history has sought to deprive the Serbs of Kosovo in some way, recognizing its value to the Serb identity – sometimes more than the Serbs themselves. A Matter of Values On Oct. 29, Serbian voters narrowly approved a new constitution, which asserts in the preamble that Kosovo is an integral part of Serbian territory. The constitution is far from ideal; it is too long, too cumbersome, too vague, and suffers from political correctness and welfare-statist nonsense. And it alone will not preserve Kosovo, nor make Serbia a better country. The American Constitution was written over two centuries ago, and is still one of the best in the world – yet the U.S government has bent it out of shape for decades. Had any of the Founding Fathers imagined the modern federal bureaucracy and the taxation it requires to stay afloat, they would have surely chosen to remain English. If it does not embody the values and beliefs of the population that created it, a constitution is nothing more than a scrap of paper. It is the values and beliefs – or lack thereof – that matter. If Serbs truly value Kosovo, they have to assert not just sovereignty over the territory, but also a desire to live there. Otherwise, what is the point of keeping it in the first place? The biggest advantage the Albanians have in claiming Kosovo is that they want it. They also want other parts of Serbia, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Greece, but they can't even dream about any of that without Kosovo. Liberty is a big part of Serb tradition. And property rights are inseparable from liberty. According to land registers, vast portions of the province are the outright property of the Orthodox Church (the name Metohija means "church land," after all). Yet how can Serbia claim Kosovo on that basis, while refusing to restore the property rights of the Church at home, or those of people whose possessions were seized by the Communists in 1945? Not Theirs to Give Struggling to rediscover their identity, culture, and tradition after decades of Communism, the Serbs need to decide whether to rebuild it on the already existing foundation of Kosovo, or choose something else altogether. One alternative being offered is "Euro-Atlantic integrations," democracy, and human rights – a worldview appealing greatly to the residues of Communist thinking. A Serb poet commented last year: "If Kosovo is not ours, why are they asking us to give it up? If it is theirs, why are they taking it by force? And if they can take it by force, why they are so circumspect about it?" The Empire is pushing hard for the ruling circles in Belgrade to give up Kosovo, declare the rape of 1999 consensual, and abandon claims to law and principle in favor of temporary expedience. It is not a trade; the Empire is not offering anything. To take Kosovo, the Empire needs Serbia's consent. Much as some people in Belgrade would be happy to oblige, that consent is not theirs to give. The battle for Kosovo is not over yet. |
November 10, 2006
The Battle for Kosovo
Kosovo: Bulgaria, Macedonia and Montenegro have betrayed Serbia
Kosovo: Bulgaria, Macedonia and Montenegro have betrayed Serbia
In the last months, the head of the interim government of Kosovo Agim Ceku have visited a number of countries to enlist their support for Kosovo's independence. He visited the US and the UK, Bulgaria and FYR Macedonia. Ceku's visits have not gone unnoticed: the world community is very much interested in what status Kosovo will get and in what stance the UN SC and Contact Group members and Balkan states have on the matter. Special attention was given to Ceku's Nov 3 visit to Montenegro, who quite recently voted to secede from Serbia.
In Montenegro Ceku met with the prime minister, the speaker of the parliament, the FM, and all of them treated him as the head of the government of a state. Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic said that the key topic of his talk with Ceku was not the status of Kosovo but the future of the region and good neighbor relations between Montenegro and Kosovo. Ignoring the fact that Kosovo is an integral part of Serbia, Djukanovic stressed that, despite its status, Kosovo is Montenegro's neighbor and so, the sides should be interested in being good neighbors.
Djukanovic and Ceku exchanged their views of how to eliminate structural restrictions to the liberalization of the energy and other markets in the Balkans and how to attract big investors in the region. They also stressed the need to open new border crossings for bringing closer the business interests of Montenegro and Kosovo and discussed ways to strengthen border control and to jointly fight organized crime. Djukanovic said that Montenegrin and Kosovan government delegations would meet to discuss the return of Kosovan refugees in Montenegro.
Concerning the status of Kosovo, Djukanovic said that Montenegro is interested in the urgent resolution of this problem – under the agreement between Belgrade and Pristina and with the consent of the world community – and is ready to support any decision to be passed by the world community. Ceku used his visit to state once again that the provision of Kosovo with independence is the only permanent decision. He once more expressed conviction that this decision will be made by the end of this year.
During his visit to Montenegro, Ceku also met with the leaders of the Albanian parties in Montenegro and with the heads of the Albanian community of Ulcinj, a municipality where Albanians constitute over 70% of the population. Ceku said that the Albanian community in Montenegro has always been constructive: it has never posed a threat to the country's interests but, on the contrary, has actively protected them. Ceku commended the Albanian community for their active role in the current processes in Montenegro and expressed hope that "the Montenegrin Government will respond positively by guaranteeing the exercise of the rights of Albanians in Montenegro."
It is not clear what rights Ceku meant, but it is known well that the Montenegrin Albanians want autonomy and hope that Kosovo's independence will help them in the matter. Some people believe that the Montenegrin authorities invited Ceku to Montenegro with a view to improve their relations with the local Albanian minority after the Sept 2006 arrest of Albanian extremists from the Movement for the Rights of Albanians in Montenegro. On Nov 6, Montenegrin Public Prosecutor Vesna Medenica said that this group, together with the fighters from the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, were plotting terrorist acts in the territory of Montenegro.
The visit of Ceku has received a very negative response from the opposition parties of Montenegro, who said that it was "a scandal that will cause grave political consequences" and "an attempt to stab in the back the Serbian leaders and all Serbs in the Balkans." The Socialist People's Party of Montenegro said that the invitation of Ceku, "the well-known representative of the Kosovan extremists," was an act of open support for those forces who want to separate Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia. "The visit of Ceku, who is suspected of having committed military crimes against Serbs, Montenegrins and other non-Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija, looked especially provocative as it took place right after the adoption of the Constitution of Serbia and exactly at the moment when the world community is trying to solve the problem of Kosovo and Metohija in line with the UN Charter and UN SC Resolution 1244."
The Democratic Serbian Party said that "now that Serbia is taking active diplomatic steps to keep Kosovo from secession and the problem of the status of this southern Serbian region is entering the final stage, the invitation of Ceku to visit Montenegro was a non-diplomatic act" and can be interpreted as an interference in the internal affairs of another state. The Socialist People's Party of Montenegro said that "by inviting Ceku, Djukanovic and his regime have openly taken the side of the Albanian extremists in Kosovo and Metohija," while the People's Party of Montenegro said that "by so doing they have shown support for the Ceku separatist regime" and that "Montenegro's independence gained with the decisive support of Albanians was just the first step towards the possible secession of Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia." The party urged all opposition parties to initiate a special parliamentary session for considering "the Montenegrin authorities' open support for the Albanian separatists in Kosovo."
They in Serbia have strongly criticized the invitation of Ceku to Montenegro. Serbian President Boris Tadic said that it was "an unacceptable and unnecessary gesture" by Djukanovic now that the sides are negotiating the future status of Kosovo. They in the Serbian Government said that Kosovo is an inalienable part of Serbia rather than "a neighbor state for Montenegro" as the Montenegrin officials said. Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica warned the Montenegrin Government that they "should respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia in line with the UN Charter and the international law. Otherwise, they will be responsible for possible serious consequences in Serbian-Montenegrin relations."
The G-17+ party said that the position of the Montenegrin authorities does not contribute to the development of good neighbor relations between Serbia and Montenegro and must be condemned, while the secretary general of the Serbian Radical Party Aleksandar Vucic said that it was "the most shameful act in the history of Montenegro" and "the Montenegrin authorities just returned the favor done to them during the referendum [on Montenegro's independence]." The Socialist Party of Serbia demanded that the Serbian authorities show tough reaction to this "anti-Serbian gesture" of the Montenegrin leadership. The Blitz daily (Belgrade) said that "Djukanovic may go into history as the person who restored Montenegro's independence but he is also the person who spoiled Montenegro's relations with Serbia — the first and most natural ally."
Djukanovic and Montenegrin Foreign Minister Vlahovic denied the charges and said that the talks with Ceku have not spoiled Montenegro's relations with Serbia, who remains the country's key partner, and were not aimed at influencing the talks for Kosovo's future status.
In their turn, the Kosovan authorities have blamed Serbia for interfering in the policies of its neighbors. The spokeswoman of the Kosovan Government Ujlpijana Ljama said that Serbia should accept the new reality in the Balkans. However, some forces in Kosovo think otherwise. The Serbian Vece believes that the decision of the Montenegrin authorities to officially receive Ceku has deeply hurt the Serbs and the Montenegrins in Kosovo. However, this step was not unexpected as Djukanovic is deeply in debt to the Albanian community for his stay in power all these years.
After his visit to Montenegro, Ceku continued his tour: he visited Albania, on Nov 6 he went to Slovakia, where local officials told him that the decision on Kosovo's status requires absolute consensus and that the Kosovan authorities should refrain from one-sided steps. And now Ceku is planning to go to Moscow and is waiting for the Russians' response to his wish to visit Russia for explaining the stance of the Kosovan leadership…
Kosovo, Montenegrin Separatists In Criminal Collusion
http://www.regnum.ru/english/736189.html
Regnum (Russia)
November 11, 2006
Kosovo: Bulgaria, Macedonia and Montenegro have
betrayed Serbia
-Some people believe that the Montenegrin authorities
invited Ceku to Montenegro with a view to improve
their relations with the local Albanian minority after
the Sept 2006 arrest of Albanian extremists from the
Movement for the Rights of Albanians in Montenegro. On
Nov 6, Montenegrin Public Prosecutor Vesna Medenica
said that this group, together with the fighters from
the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, were plotting
terrorist acts in the territory of Montenegro.
-"The visit of Ceku, who is suspected of having
committed military crimes against Serbs, Montenegrins
and other non-Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija, looked
especially provocative as it took place right after
the adoption of the Constitution of Serbia and exactly
at the moment when the world community is trying to
solve the problem of Kosovo and Metohija in line with
the UN Charter and UN SC Resolution 1244."
-"Montenegro's independence gained with the decisive
support of Albanians was just the first step towards
the possible secession of Kosovo and Metohija from
Serbia."
In the last few months, the head of the interim
government of Kosovo Agim Ceku has visited a number of
countries to enlist their support for Kosovo's
independence.
He visited the US and the UK, Bulgaria and FYR
Macedonia.
Ceku's visits have not gone unnoticed: the world
community is very much interested in what status
Kosovo will get and in what stance the UN Security
Council and Contact Group members and Balkan states
have on the matter.
Special attention was given to Ceku's Nov 3 visit to
Montenegro, which quite recently voted to secede from
Serbia.
In Montenegro Ceku met with the prime minister, the
speaker of the parliament, the FM, and all of them
treated him as the head of the government of a state.
Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic said that
the key topic of his talk with Ceku was not the status
of Kosovo but the future of the region and good
neighborly relations between Montenegro and Kosovo.
Ignoring the fact that Kosovo is an integral part of
Serbia, Djukanovic stressed that, despite its status,
Kosovo is Montenegro's neighbor and so the sides
should be interested in being good neighbors.
Djukanovic and Ceku exchanged their views of how to
eliminate structural restrictions to the
liberalization of the energy and other markets in the
Balkans and how to attract big investors in the
region.
They also stressed the need to open new border
crossings for bringing closer the business interests
of Montenegro and Kosovo and discussed ways to
strengthen border control and to jointly fight
organized crime. Djukanovic said that the Montenegrin
and Kosovan government delegations would meet to
discuss the return of Kosovan refugees in Montenegro.
Concerning the status of Kosovo, Djukanovic said that
Montenegro is interested in the urgent resolution of
this problem – under the agreement between Belgrade
and Pristina and with the consent of the world
community – and is ready to support any decision to be
passed by the world community.
Ceku used his visit to state once again that the
provision of Kosovo with independence is the only
permanent decision. He once more expressed his
conviction that this decision will be made by the end
of this year.
During his visit to Montenegro, Ceku also met with the
leaders of the Albanian parties in Montenegro and with
the heads of the Albanian community of Ulcinj, a
municipality where Albanians constitute over 70% of
the population.
Ceku said that the Albanian community in Montenegro
has always been constructive: it has never posed a
threat to the country's interests but, on the
contrary, has actively protected them.
Ceku commended the Albanian community for their active
role in the current processes in Montenegro and
expressed hope that "the Montenegrin Government will
respond positively by guaranteeing the exercise of the
rights of Albanians in Montenegro."
It is not clear what rights Ceku meant, but it is
known well that the Montenegrin Albanians want
autonomy and hope that Kosovo's independence will help
them in the matter.
Some people believe that the Montenegrin authorities
invited Ceku to Montenegro with a view to improve
their relations with the local Albanian minority after
the Sept 2006 arrest of Albanian extremists from the
Movement for the Rights of Albanians in Montenegro. On
Nov 6, Montenegrin Public Prosecutor Vesna Medenica
said that this group, together with the fighters from
the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, were plotting
terrorist acts in the territory of Montenegro.
The visit of Ceku has received a very negative
response from the opposition parties of Montenegro,
who said that it was "a scandal that will cause grave
political consequences" and "an attempt to stab in the
back the Serbian leaders and all Serbs in the
Balkans."
The Socialist People's Party of Montenegro said that
the invitation of Ceku, "the well-known representative
of the Kosovan extremists," was an act of open support
for those forces who want to separate Kosovo and
Metohija from Serbia.
"The visit of Ceku, who is suspected of having
committed military crimes against Serbs, Montenegrins
and other non-Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija, looked
especially provocative as it took place right after
the adoption of the Constitution of Serbia and exactly
at the moment when the world community is trying to
solve the problem of Kosovo and Metohija in line with
the UN Charter and UN SC Resolution 1244."
The Democratic Serbian Party said that "now that
Serbia is taking active diplomatic steps to keep
Kosovo from secession and the problem of the status of
this southern Serbian region is entering the final
stage, the invitation of Ceku to visit Montenegro was
a non-diplomatic act" and can be interpreted as an
interference in the internal affairs of another state.
The Socialist People's Party of Montenegro said that
"by inviting Ceku, Djukanovic and his regime have
openly taken the side of the Albanian extremists in
Kosovo and Metohija," while the People's Party of
Montenegro said that "by so doing they have shown
support for the Ceku separatist regime" and that
"Montenegro's independence gained with the decisive
support of Albanians was just the first step towards
the possible secession of Kosovo and Metohija from
Serbia."
The party urged all opposition parties to initiate a
special parliamentary session for considering "the
Montenegrin authorities' open support for the Albanian
separatists in Kosovo."
Those in Serbia have strongly criticized the
invitation of Ceku to Montenegro.
Serbian President Boris Tadic said that it was "an
unacceptable and unnecessary gesture" by Djukanovic
now that the sides are negotiating the future status
of Kosovo.
Those in the Serbian Government said that Kosovo is an
inalienable part of Serbia rather than "a neighboring
state for Montenegro" as the Montenegrin officials
said.
Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica warned the
Montenegrin Government that they "should respect the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia in
line with the UN Charter and international law.
Otherwise, they will be responsible for possible
serious consequences in Serbian-Montenegrin
relations."
The G-17+ party said that the position of the
Montenegrin authorities does not contribute to the
development of good neighborly relations between
Serbia and Montenegro and must be condemned, while the
secretary general of the Serbian Radical Party
Aleksandar Vucic said that it was "the most shameful
act in the history of Montenegro" and "the Montenegrin
authorities just returned the favor done to them
during the referendum [on Montenegro's independence]."
The Socialist Party of Serbia demanded that the
Serbian authorities show tough reaction to this
"anti-Serbian gesture" of the Montenegrin leadership.
The Blic daily (Belgrade) said that "Djukanovic may go
into history as the person who restored Montenegro's
independence but he is also the person who spoiled
Montenegro's relations with Serbia — the first and
most natural ally."
Djukanovic and Montenegrin Foreign Minister Vlahovic
denied the charges and said that the talks with Ceku
have not spoiled Montenegro's relations with Serbia,
who remains the country's key partner, and were not
aimed at influencing the talks for Kosovo's future
status.
In their turn, the Kosovan authorities have blamed
Serbia for interfering in the policies of its
neighbors. The spokeswoman of the Kosovan Government
Ujlpijana Ljama said that Serbia should accept the new
reality in the Balkans.
However, some forces in Kosovo think otherwise. The
Serbian Vece believes that the decision of the
Montenegrin authorities to officially receive Ceku has
deeply hurt the Serbs and the Montenegrins in Kosovo.
However, this step was not unexpected as Djukanovic is
deeply in debt to the Albanian community for his stay
in power all these years.
After his visit to Montenegro, Ceku continued his
tour: he visited Albania, on Nov 6 he went to
Slovakia, where local officials told him that the
decision on Kosovo's status requires absolute
consensus and that the Kosovan authorities should
refrain from one-sided steps. And now Ceku is planning
to go to Moscow and is waiting for the Russians'
response to his wish to visit Russia for explaining
the stance of the Kosovan leadership.
Kosovo (Serbia): The UN in Kosovo - a Legacy of Impunity.
Amnesty International.
