June 17, 2020

Investors want Serbia reforms that break through ‘wall of resistance’

 

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Investors want Serbia reforms that break through 'wall of resistance'

Zsuzsanna Hargitai 12 hours ago

6-7 minutes


In recent years, Serbia has been among the most successful countries in Europe in terms of attracting investment. A combination of political stability, low costs, improving transport links with the EU and its neighbours, and strong human capital have put Serbia on the radar screens of many investors.

Before the coronavirus turned the world upside down, Serbia had enjoyed a period of successful economic expansion. Exceeding already high expectations, the economy grew by 5 per cent year-on-year in the first quarter of 2020. The pandemic put a drastic halt to this upswing, but even in the current turbulence Serbia looks well placed to emerge strongly.

Depending on the way you look at it — globally or regionally — Serbia is a small fish in a large pond or a large fish in a small pond. One of its sources of strength and energy is that, although it represents a relatively small market, it is located along a key logistics corridor between the ports of Greece, Turkey and EU markets to the north.

Today's Serbia has embraced the concept of regional co-operation. This was evident in pragmatic steps like the so called "green lanes" measures in the western Balkans to facilitate the movement of freight across borders during the Covid-19 crisis.

It was encouraging to see the countries of the region respond quickly, decisively and successfully to the health emergency. Timely, well-enforced lockdowns and proportionate measures on domestic and international traffic were effective. The number of Covid-19 cases in Serbia and the region was kept below the levels seen in far richer and better equipped societies.

Covid-19: the response to the health emergency was quick and decisive © Getty

The price of the crisis will still be high. Not only in terms of the loss of life, but also the economic damage that the pandemic has caused. For Serbia, we expect a decline in GDP of 3.5 per cent in 2020 and a rebound of 6 per cent in 2021. Serbia — like any comparable country not already deeply integrated into the EU markets in economic terms — will be unable to deal with the immediate burden alone. But the country has strong fundamentals to build on.

Fiat is producing cars in Kragujevac and Siemens recently started building trams in the country. Last year Barry Callebaut, a leading world manufacturer of chocolate and cocoa products, laid the foundation for a factory in Novi Sad. The energy companies Enlight, Masdar and Taaleri began operating wind farms in 2019.

Work on the assembly line at the Fiat factory, Kragujevac © Reuters

The country is also well placed for foreign companies considering "nearshoring" their suppliers and harnessing Serbia's potential for information and communication technologies.

Serbia has become sophisticated in its promotion of external trade. In London, Düsseldorf and Paris, representatives of the country successfully make the case for why people should invest in Serbia.

But do investors feel equally welcome once they have set foot in the country?

Legacies of the past remain and are holding the country back. These include, for example, the lack of clear policy objectives and strategic decision-making for state-owned enterprises, and the absence of a level playing field in the enforcement of competition rules for all market players. Improved governance, including corporate governance of state-owned enterprises, could add as much as 2 per cent to GDP, according to the IMF.

It is here that the reform process is often hardest to implement — where political loyalties, vested interests and old structures might coalesce to form a wall of resistance on issues from transparent public procurement to recruitment in public administration. As a result, Serbia performs below levels it could achieve and many investors who might help the country make the next leap forward go elsewhere. Meanwhile, many of Serbia's younger generations are drawn to opportunities in other countries, which benefit from their education and skills. After the recent decades of young people leaving their homeland, nobody in Serbia wants to see more such losses of vital talent.

Modernisation: work at Belgrade airport is being carried out under public-private partnership © Shutterstock / paul prescott

Before coronavirus shut borders, it was already clear that the emigration of skilled labour from Serbia had to be reversed. It can be done. Through, for example, improved vocational training by involving private companies in the design of curricula; through providing scholarships, internships and on-the-job training to increase opportunities. Such measures also attract investment and, as an investor and policy adviser, the EBRD is a leading advocate of them.

The EBRD stepped up its support and investment in Serbia in 2019 to more than €515m, from €396m in 2018. Now, to help mitigate the economic impact of Covid-19, it expects to deliver €750m-€850m of new financing in 2020.

We are doubling credit lines and trade financing for small and medium enterprises. Our funding is also helping to build key infrastructure, for example, the modernisation, under public-private partnership with the French construction group Vinci, of Belgrade's Nikola Tesla airport and its expansion into a regional hub.

Looking beyond the Covid-19 crisis, our foreign investors and local corporate clients remain committed to such investments. This signals that Serbia has not only become attractive to private investors but will remain so, when it is needed most.

The writer is regional director, western Balkans, and head of Serbia, at the EBRD

 

Pandemic and EU neglect tighten Serbia bonds with China

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Pandemic and EU neglect tighten Serbia bonds with China

Valerie Hopkins 12 hours ago

6-8 minutes


In mid-May, as most European countries were just beginning to contemplate the slow process of reopening national borders in the wake of Covid-19, Serbia's tourism board launched a campaign to attract visitors from China.

President Aleksandar Vucic became the face of the campaign, which the board hoped would "save" the tourist season. Chinese citizens have been able to travel to Serbia visa-free since 2017, a sign of growing ties. In the first half of 2019, the country registered a 36 per cent rise in visitors from China compared to the same period in 2018.

The relationship is not limited to tourism. Serbia's top football league was last year named the "Linglong Superliga" after its sponsor, a Chinese tyremaker. In March 2019 Linglong started work on its first European factory in Serbia's northern city of Zrenjanin. The nearly $1bn project is emblematic of Chinese businesses' view of Serbia, a candidate for EU membership, as a hub for investment.

Since 2012, the western Balkan country of 7m people has received $9.5bn of publicly announced Chinese funding and investment, more than half of China's stated investment in the region. In 2019, Chinese companies announced 16 greenfield projects in Serbia, worth $625m, making China the country's biggest source of such investment, according to fDi Markets, an FT data service. In 2018, Chinese companies accounted for about 20 per cent of all FDI into Serbia.

Serbia is part of China's Belt and Road Initiative and the 17+1 format, a partnership with central and eastern European countries. The western Balkans' largest economy is at the centre of Beijing's "hub and spoke" strategy, according to the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a US think-tank, which described Serbia as a "strategic anchor for China in the [EU's] semi-periphery, where it can invest heavily without EU regulatory burdens and showcase its technological and infrastructure projects to neighbouring states".

Chinese companies have bought some of Serbia's largest industrial facilities, including a steel factory in Smederevo, and a copper mine in Bor. Now, Chinese investors are focusing on a wave of digital infrastructure, including a "Safe Cities" project with 1,000 facial recognition cameras in 800 locations, mostly in Belgrade. Of 15 information and communications technology projects in the region, nine were started in 2018 and 2019, mostly in Serbia, according to the CSIS. However, there remains a big discrepancy between projects announced and completed: according to CSIS, only a quarter have come to fruition. "Chinese financing often occurs under opaque conditions and through non-competitive contracts, reinforcing low governance standards and exacerbating endemic corruption, underscoring . . . why western investment was not present at the outset," wrote CSIS.

The investment has come with foreign policy and political alignment. Beijing supports Belgrade's refusal to recognise Kosovo, which declared independence in 2008, while Serbia backs China's stance on Taiwan and territories in the South China Sea. In December, Serbia's top official for Kosovo lauded China's "level of protection of minority rights" in Xinjiang, where an estimated 1m Uighurs are believed to be in detention. Last year, Chinese police came to three Serbian cities for joint patrols.

Stefan Vladisavljev, a foreign policy analyst for the annual Belgrade Security Forum, fears that as EU influence is questioned in the region, "the space for malign third actors coming from the outside could increase. I am not afraid of China coming to do damage, but I am afraid of how Serbian officials could misuse the tools they are given."

Serbia has been an EU candidate since 2012, but has completed only two of 35 chapters of its accession protocol, and many accuse it of backsliding on democratic indicators. Independent US-based watchdog Freedom House no longer describes Serbia as a democracy. After the EU updated enlargement methodology in February, many like Mr Vladisavljev, wonder if Serbia will ever join.

Elsewhere in the region, Chinese loans have sent public debt soaring. In neighbouring Montenegro, a Chinese-built and financed highway has raised the country's debt to 80 per cent of GDP.

Covid-19 has brought Serbia closer to China. The western Balkans were originally not exempt from an EU permit scheme for exports of critical medical equipment. President Vucic proclaimed that "European solidarity doesn't exist, that was just a fairytale on paper." The decision "was made by the people who lectured us here that we are not supposed to purchase goods from China". people from around Europe who wanted us to adjust the terms of tenders so that price should not be the primary condition as their [EU] goods were supposedly much better quality. When they needed money, it was like, make tenders and adopt conditions so the European companies can get Serbian money. When there is torment and pain, the Serbian money is no good."

He complained that Brussels was paying close Serbian tenders purely for its own economic hegemony and accused EU leaders of hypocrisy.

In the post-coronavirus battle of narratives, the "global Chinese propaganda was amplified by a Serbian offensive", says Mr Vladisavljev, who noted that in Serbia, it is still unknown how much of the Chinese medical equipment and personal protection was donated compared to how much was purchased.

A poll by the International Republican Institute, a US nonprofit focused on promoting democracy, found in March that 20 per cent of Serbs saw China as the largest donor, and 71 per cent as the most important economic partner. The EU is actually Serbia's largest donor.

After Serbian premier Ana Brnabic called for a monument of appreciation for China, a banner in front of parliament proclaimed: "Serbs and Chinese: Brothers Forever". Serbia now waits to see whether the Chinese tourists will return.

Miners in Bor, eastern Serbia © AFP via Getty Images Chinese and Serbian police officers attend a launching ceremony for their first joint patrol in Belgrade © Alamy