September 29, 2017

Consequences of NATO’s bombing: the hidden truth

Consequences of NATO's bombing: the hidden truth

Posted on 25/09/2017 by Monica Ranieri in Politics with 5 Comments

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In anticipation of a national lab that will uncover the consequences of NATO's bombing, a Belgrade daily writs that similar research has been done before.

According to Vecernje Novosti, two large studies have been done to date – but "without any epilogue." Namely, as soon as alarming data emerged, everything was swept under the carpet, the daily said.

One of these studies was conducted immediately after the NATO bombing of Serbia in 1999, the article continued. The military clinic VMA in Belgrade "attempted to find out to what degree soldiers and officers from Kosovo, as well as their children, were at risk because they were in contact with depleted uranium." 

A VMA expert told the daily that a sample was formed and observed that included about 2,000 soldiers, and that the research included their children born between 2000 and 2004 who were being treated and controlled within the clinic's system. There were 1,752 of these children. 

Also, a group of 1,204 children born earlier, from 1995 to 1999, was used as a control sample. 

According to the expert, "alarming data" was revealed after medical documentation was examined. Children born in the wake of the NATO bombing frequently had anomalies – endocrine and metabolic diseases, as well as malignant neoplasms. 

However, this study produced "no epilogue." The official explanation was that the number of those included was not sufficient for proper scientific analysis – while unofficially, the government at the time stopped the research, the newspaper writes. 

The article added that depleted uranium was also used during the bombing of Serb forces during the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and that a link was established between the use of this type of ammunition and a rising number of malignant diseases.

(b92, 25.09.2017)

https://www.b92.net/eng/news/society.php?yyyy=2017&mm=09&dd=25&nav_id=102392

 

September 27, 2017

Ex-Serbian commander 'Captain Dragan' sentenced to 15 years over murder, torture war crimes

abc.net.au

Ex-Serbian commander 'Captain Dragan' sentenced to 15 years over murder, torture war crimes

3-4 minutes


Updated about 9 hours agoTue 26 Sep 2017, 10:58pm

A Croatian court has sentenced a former Serbian paramilitary commander and Australian citizen to 15 years in prison for war crimes in the 1990s.

Key points:

  • Dragan Vasiljkovic was found guilty of two charges including torturing and beating prisoners
  • Holds dual Serbian-Australian citizenship after moving to Australia at age 15
  • Claims the trial was rigged and "an oppressive, fascist process"

The municipal court in the coastal town of Split found Dragan Vasiljkovic, also known as Captain Dragan and Daniel Snedden, guilty of the killings and torture of imprisoned Croatian civilians and troops while he was a rebel Serb commander during the 1991 to 1995 Croatian war.

Vasiljkovic, 62, was born in Serbia before moving to Australia at the age of 15.

He returned to the Balkans to train Serbian rebels in 1991, when they took up arms against Croatia's secession from Yugoslavia.

He was extradited from Australia in July 2015, after fighting a 10-year legal battle against being handed over to Croatia's judiciary.

Vasiljkovic, who holds dual Serbian-Australian citizenship, was living in Perth and worked as a golf instructor.

The three-judge Croatian court panel found Vasiljkovic guilty of two of the three charges, which included torturing and beating imprisoned Croatian police and army troops and commanding a special forces unit involved in the destruction of Croatian villages.

He was found responsible for the death of at least two civilians.

About 60 prosecution witnesses were questioned during the trial, including those who said they were tortured by Vasiljkovic.

Vasiljkovic, who was widely believed during the war to be working for Serbia's secret service, has claimed innocence throughout the one-year trial, saying the whole process was rigged.

"This is an oppressive fascist process," Vasiljkovic said during his closing statements last week. "Not only did I not commit any crimes that I am charged with, I can only ask why I was brought here and charged in the first place."

The judges ruled that they will take into account the time Vasiljkovic served in detention in Australia and in a Croatian prison, meaning he has three and a half years of his sentence remaining. He has a right to appeal.

AP/ABC

Topics: history, community-and-society, unrest-conflict-and-war, law-crime-and-justice, croatia, serbia, yugoslavia, perth-6000, australia

First posted yesterday at 9:19amTue 26 Sep 2017, 9:19am

 

September 20, 2017

Serbia and the EU: Stability over democracy

euobserver.com

Serbia and the EU: Stability over democracy

Steve Crawshaw

6-8 minutes


There were more headlines over the weekend praising the fact that the new out-and-proud Serb prime minister, Ana Brnabic, took part in a gay pride march in Belgrade.

And yes, that is in itself good news, given the disturbing context of homophobic violence that we have seen over the past years.

The implication of this new flurry of cosy headlines about Serbia, and about Ana Brnabic, is that Serbia is now a place where rights are more generally taken seriously at last. But, on that point, many Serb activists would beg to differ.

Brussels may be reluctant to criticise Serbia because of geopolitical considerations on Kosovo and other issues. This is what the European Commission likes to call Belgrade's "constructive role in the region", but Serbian activists would point out that their country's role has often been far from constructive.

They believe that Brussels' reluctance to speak out has damaging consequences for Serbia and the region.

However, there are indeed some scraps of good news that may seem to justify the new warmth.

Scraps of warmth

Serbia did recently gain its first female and first lesbian prime minister - in a country that has been plagued by homophobic violence.

Serb leader Aleksandar Vucic - prime minister between 2014 and 2017, and newly elected president - often speaks of EU membership as a "strategic priority".

The Balkan wars seem long ago. Slobodan Milosevic - ousted in 2000 after a bloody decade in power - was delivered to The Hague and died behind bars in 2006.

The bombed-out defence ministry building on one of Belgrade's central boulevards still stands as a conspicuous reminder of the Nato bombing in 1999, but such eyesores can seem like an archaeological relic. Some Serb voters were, after all, barely born at that time.

But the appointment of a gay prime minister (welcome though that is), and the official trumpeting of "European values" do not mean that Serbia now has a government committed to tolerance, justice and rule of law.

On the contrary: for those who dare to speak out, the problems are real and growing, even while Brussels and Washington turn a blind eye.

In the late 1990s, Vucic was information minister and chief media enforcer for Milosevic. But Vucic insists his approach has changed since that time, when troublesome journalists risked being murdered.

In Vucic's own words, "only donkeys don't change".

But the Independent Association of Journalists in Serbia recorded 69 attacks on journalists last year - and there has been a sharp increase in recent years.

The Association this month highlighted the government's silence, yet there are still more death threats - and this time against journalists at an independent news website.

No media freedom

The state television news and the majority of privately owned channels provide a steady drumbeat of unquestioning support, where little to no criticism of government policies can be heard.

Media ownership is often opaque, and demonising alternative voices is routine.

Anita Mitic, Belgrade director of the Youth Initiative for Human Rights, says she and her colleagues have given up reporting the death threats: "The police don't even call us back."

Under Vucic, the language used to criticise those who speak out is disturbingly reminiscent of his former master's voice.

Pro-government headlines accused the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN) and KRIK, the Crime and Corruption Reporting Network, of being "liars" and "mercenaries".

For the moment, such attacks have subsided. More broadly, however, the pressure has not.

The apartment of a KRIK reporter, Dragana Peco, was ransacked last month in what Ljiljana Smajlovic, of the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom, described as a "brazen attempt to intimidate".

In a bid to keep European governments sweet, Vucic and his allies have regularly played the "Russia card" - in effect "If you don't love us, Moscow will" - including with regard to ongoing negotiations on the status of Kosovo. As a result, despite a range of human rights concerns, Brussels is much keener to praise than to criticise.

For Serbs who still dare to put their heads above the parapet, that self-censorship is a core part of the problem.

Serbia's stabilitocracy

"Stabilitocracy", a newly-coined Balkan buzzword, describes an all too familiar problem.

In the words of Jovo Bakic, a Belgrade sociologist: "The EU prefers stability to democracy or human rights. The EU made its choice. I think it's very shortsighted."

Dragana Zarkovic-Obradovic, Belgrade director of the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network argues: "They are allowing [Vucic] to poison the public - and that will backfire. He is feeding [them] all the worst things, and destabilising the country."

Anita Mitic of the Youth Initiative for Human Rights believes that the failure to speak out can have destabilising consequences for the future: "We are promoting European values more than Europe itself does. I'm frustrated that I can risk my life for European values - and the European Union abandons me, for the sake of a deal."

But none of this is new, of course.

Slobodan Milosevic himself, the arch-destabiliser, was at one point regarded by Western leaders not as part of the problem but as part of the solution. Or, as Milosevic himself once told me, while the war in Bosnia was getting underway: "I am for peace."

After thousands more lives were lost, Western illusions about Serbia's then strongman were eventually shattered. It is time to shatter today's illusions, too.

President Vucic, in welcome contrast to his one-time mentor, is no unleasher of wars.

But the bottom line remains: human rights and stability are not alternatives but two sides of the same coin - and the rule of law is essential for both. We cannot afford to ignore that simple truth.

Steve Crawshaw is a senior advocacy adviser at Amnesty International, and a board member of the Balkans Investigative Reporting Network.

 

September 05, 2017

In Conversation: Milorad Pupovac, Leader of Croatia's Serbs

balkanist.net

In Conversation: Milorad Pupovac, Leader of Croatia's Serbs

13-16 minutes


Over the weekend, a group of far-right protesters in Croatia burned copies of the Serb minority newspaper Novosti in front of the publication's office in Zagreb. The far-right group had a chilling warning for Milorad Pupovac, the leader of the Serb National Council (SNV) that publishes Novosti: it would be "dangerous" for him if the fascist Ustaša slogan za dom spremni (for the homeland ready) was removed from a Croatian Defense Forces (HOS) plaque near the WWII Jasenovac concentration camp, as he and others have suggested. On Monday, Croatian President Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović drew criticism and further attention to the issue when she described za dom spremni as "a traditional Croatian greeting".

Pupovac, who in addition to serving as the president of the SNV is the leader of Croatia's Independent Democratic Serb Party and a member of the Sabor, has been an outspoken critic of the plaque.

Balkanist spoke with Milorad Pupovac, leader of Croatia's Serbs, about the controversial plaque, the intense public and media scrutiny he and his party have faced in recent weeks, and Croatia's current ruling coalition, of which he and his Independent Democratic Serb Party are a part.


Balkanist: You and your party have recently been subject to intense public and media scrutiny in Croatia due to your stance on the HOS plaque in the vicinity of the Jasenovac Memorial Center. What's your response to this?

Pupovac: The plaque is found on the side of a building where the heads of the Ustaša concentration camp in Jasenovac were based. The fact that it was placed there represents the symbolic return of the Ustaša to the location of the Jasenovac concentration camp, and the connotations that this has go beyond the complex itself. For us, this represents an intense form of desecration; it defiles a place that was the site of the most monstrous crimes committed during World War II in Croatia and on the territory of occupied Europe. Therefore, any civilized government, any government that feels a moral obligation towards that level of suffering should feel that it's imperative that the plaque to be removed. Such plaques should not be allowed anywhere in Croatia, especially not in the vicinity of Jasenovac.

Balkanist: How does this fit into the platform of the political party you represent?

Pupovac: We are a party that has an anti-fascist political orientation, with a tradition that draws heavily on the anti-fascist tradition of Croatia and the former Yugoslav federation. Because of this aspect of our political philosophy we have a special sensitivity to the desecration of places that have seen a lot of suffering at the hands of fascist movements. We are sensitive to the relativization of crimes committed by fascist formations, in this case Ustasa formations. Our party is actively involved in confronting historical revisionism and confronting the denial of crimes committed during the Second World War – it's one of the key components of our political engagement.

Members of Croatia's far-right burn copies of the Serb minority newspaper Novosti in front of its headquarters in Zagreb.

Balkanist: What is the current situation regarding the plaque?

Pupovac: The plaque will be removed in the coming weeks, and the government has agreed on the procedure for the plaque's removal. The procedure, as it stands now, will give those who put the plaque up the opportunity to remove it on their own initiative and replace it with a different plaque that is acceptable. If this is not done, then government institutions will step in.

Balkanist: If these symbols are under consideration to be made illegal and be banned in Croatia, why has a situation arisen in which these symbols, primarily symbols associated with the NDH, are being placed in public areas and used by political and veterans' organizations in Croatia?

Pupovac: With regard to the veterans' organizations, some of them, during the war in Croatia in 1991-1995, used symbols of the NDH as a part of their brand and image, and this was primarily something done by the HOS formations. Unfortunately, they were then able to formalize these symbols and make their crests and emblems "legal". The current HOS emblem, with the slogan Za dom spremni on it, was registered in 2001 during the mandate of a coalition government which included SDP and other liberal parties, including HNS. Therefore, this plaque that bears the symbol of the HOS has the legally and officially accepted emblem of the organization on it, an emblem that was accepted by the government in 2001. We are paying the consequences for that today.

This legal discrepancy between what are considered legally accepted symbols and the laws that sanction the greeting Za dom spremni lead to complicated situations. So on the one hand you have the fact that in Metkovic, during an event on the Neretva River, you saw ships with the Za dom spremni greeting on their flag disciplined by the police within a short period of time, or people being arrested for chanting "Za dom spremni" on the anniversary of Operation Storm this year. On the other hand, you have this situation, where these veterans' organizations with a legally recognized logo putting up this plaque in the most sensitive location in Croatia.

Now, two things need to be done. First, we need to remove that greeting from the emblem in the area of Jasenovac. And second, the legal framework in Croatia has to be changed so that it bans any action which glorifies the Ustasa regime or movement or the NDH.

Balkanist: What do you think the reactions to the establishment of such a legal framework will be, keeping in mind what the reactions have been to the issue of the plaque?

Pupovac: It will surely cause certain reactions, just like the issue of Jasenovac has. You do not need to look much further than at the statements made by certain political representatives such as Zlatko Hasanbegovic and others, and there is no doubt that such a thing would pass without reactions. On the other hand, the governing coalition and the government need to defend the fundamental values of Europe after WWII, the fundamental values of today's Europe, as well as that which has been formalized by legal precedents in Croatia – which is the sanctioning of the Ustasa slogan Za dom spremni. The removal of the plaque itself would not be without precedent, as was demonstrated by the case of the removal of the plaque bearing the Za dom spremni slogan on a monument dedicated to members of the HOS in Split.

Balkanist: Would you agree with the assessment that your position on this issue, or rather the position of your party, is being used as a reason to incite offensive rhetoric against the Serbian minority in Croatia?

Pupovac: Unfortunately, yes. Situations such as this or reactions to this situation often lead to an increase in anti-minority rhetoric, especially with regard to the Serbian minority. An anti-Serbian atmosphere and anti-Serb sentiments become more widespread, and we see an increase in attacks against our representatives and our organizations, which sometimes take the form of insults and threats in various forms, so we see a wide range of negative reactions. But we see this as a continuation of a certain wave of Croatian politics and public discourse that became particularly evident in 2014 and then in the years that followed, until the fall of the government led by Tihomir Oreskovic and Tomislav Karamarko. This "current" of political thinking in Croatia wasn't really halted until Andrej Plenkovic's government was formed. Now that mainstream political rhetoric has shifted slightly, certain segments of Croatian society, including certain elements from the Catholic Church, certain political circles, certain veterans and veterans' organizations, want to rekindle the rhetoric from the 2014-16 period, and they tend to do so by demonizing both the political representatives of the Serbian minority as well as the Serbian people.

Balkanist: What is the current situation with regard to the Serbian minority in Croatia and how do situations like this affect the ability of your party to work on improving the living situation and advancing the rights of Serbs in Croatia?

Pupovac: Situations like this negatively affect the way Serbs feel in Croatia, the extent to which they feel safe here, and their belief in a perspective and a future in Croatia – especially with regard to their children. On the other hand, this taxes the relationships between Croats and Serbs and contaminates the general atmosphere in Croatia. It also adversely affects the relationship between Croatia and Serbia, as well as general relations between Croats and Serbs in the region.

But more importantly, this negatively affects the things that Croatia should be dealing with instead, such as the strengthening of the rights that Serbs have lost over the years in Croatia, the continued implementation of laws and the constitution, the continued implementation of international agreements such as the Erdut Agreement, and other agreements which are tied to fulfilling and respecting the rights of Serbs in Croatia.

Balkanist: How do the goals and the platform of your party fit with the goals and the platform of your coalition partners – one can presume that when you entered into the coalition that SDSS is part of at the moment that you did this with the conviction that you could best serve the interests of the Serbian minority in Croatia?

Pupovac: There are two things that need to be said in this context. We entered into that coalition because we wanted to help swing the government of Croatia more towards the center, in contrast to the heavily right-wing government that existed before it. We wanted to prevent heavily right-wing tendencies, or ultra-conservative and – not rarely- pro-Ustasa tendencies from dominating the Croatian government.

On the other hand, we entered the coalition because we agreed with Prime Minister Plenkovic that certain important issues be incorporated into the government program, issues that are important for all national minorities, including the Serbian minority. These include questions such as adequate education for minorities, language rights, and especially the question of development in the communities where minorities live – and this has become a part of the official government program, these 16 points that were agreed upon in the negotiations prior to the formation of the government and these issues are important to members of Croatia's national minority groups.

So all of that has been agreed upon, including the issue of participation of minorities in institutions of government, from the local to the national level. The problem is that "scandals" like this, the plaque and the strengthening of historical revisionism, and of ethnic and religious nationalism, hamper this whole process and therefore it was only a question of time until issues such as the plaque in Jasenovac would cause discord in Croatian society and need to be resolved.

Balkanist: Incidents like this one often negatively affect the relationship between Croatia and Serbia. I presume you are aware of the manner in which your stance on the issue of the plaque has been perceived in the Serbian media, and that it has been reported on widely. How would you comment on that?

Pupovac: It is sad there seems to be no way for us to overcome the experiences of our recent wars, and the traumas associated with the recent wars, which sometimes leads to a return to "wartime rhetoric" in the public sphere – as was the case in Croatia in 2014 and 2015. We believe it's imperative that Croatia and Serbia sit down and discuss the unresolved issues between them, which actually mostly involve the position and the situation of the Serbian minority in Croatia. There hasn't been a serious conversation for a long time. The upcoming talk between Croatian President Kolinda Grabar Kitarovic and Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic could bring certain improvements to the situation, especially if the governments on both sides are included, because the current situation is frustrating not only for Serbs in Croatia but for the entire population of both countries.

Balkanist: But just to clarify – how would you comment on the fact that your clearly progressive stances are used by unprogressive actors in Serbia, which definitely do not agree with your progressive opinions with regard to anti-fascism primarily and other opinions, which republish your statements in the media merely because you are, in a way, opposed to the general views of the Croatian government and mainstream opinion in Croatia – and therefore in a sense offer them a "jab at the Croatian government"?

Pupovac: With regard to the way my statements or our statements are received and reverberate in Serbia or elsewhere in the region, we are aware of the fact they are interpreted in a way that is different from what we would like. We are aware that they can often be made confrontational and retaliatory, and we cannot control whether our statements are used for this purpose.

On the other hand, I know that there is a readiness for these difficult questions to be discussed, and for us to sit down and agree on how to deal with the past in a way that will change the current situation, in which both Croatia and Serbia are hostages to ethnic nationalism and the constant return to the past.

 

BALKANIST

Balkanist is an experimental, occasionally bilingual platform featuring politics, analysis, culture, and criticism for a smart international audience underwhelmed by what is currently on offer.Our aim is to provide bold, uncompromising coverage of the Balkan region and everything to its East.

 

September 01, 2017

Serbian opposition criticize Belgrade-Pristina talks

balkaneu.com

Serbian opposition criticize Belgrade-Pristina talks

3-4 minutes


 

It seems that the government led by Aleksandar Vucic dupes all citizens of Serbia, including people in Kosovo – Sanda Raskovic-Ivic (photo), the parliamentary leader of the conservative "Movement for the salvation of Serbia –New Serbia", commented on the new round of the Belgrade-Pristina dialogue in Brussels.

Raskovic-Ivic compared Vucic's role in talks with the one of the late president Slobodan Milosevic in 1990's. During that period of Yugoslav wars, the West regarded Milosevic as the main cause of the crisis; however, at some point West supported him allegedly for the sake of peace.

"It is quite obvious that Aleksandar Vucic needs negotiations in order to preserve his rule and play the role of 'the factor of peace', just like Milosevic after 1995", she said.

According to Raskovic-Ivic, Vucic and his Kosovar homologue Hasim Taci "are negotiating on what has already been dealt". The talks are senseless because the Brussels agreement was already signed.

And, by signing the Brussels agreement back in 2013, Vucic has "withdrawn the state from Kosovo". Now, he cannot provide even the "leftovers" for Serbia, she went on.

"Vucic is not the president (at the talks), nor the negotiator; to me, he looks rather like moderator… Vucic should care about the interest of the country, as well as the interests of both Serbian and Albanian people but without breaching the constitution", Raskovic-Ivic said stressing that Taci is "war criminal" and that Vucic humiliated Serbia by accepting to talk with him.

Borko Stefanovic, the leader of Serbian Left and former head of Belgrade' team in talks with Pristina, said that none of the elements of the Brussels agreement have been implemented. In his words both Vucic and Taci are "buying alibi". "They are 'doing favor' to Mogherini (Federica) by demonstrating that there are no conflicts", Stefanovic said alluding to EU's high representative for foreign policy.

At the same time, Vucic strives to hide – in front of the Serbian public - the fact that Serbia has transferred its judiciary to Pristina, Stefanovic said. He concluded that Kosovo issue "is to big stake" for both governments and that they just want to "cover themselves" before their voters./IBNA