March 16, 2006

Milosevic � his gradual, prolonged and protracted murder

Pravda

Front page / Opinion / Columnists

Milosevic – his gradual, prolonged and protracted murder



16.03.2006

Source: URL: http://english.pravda.ru/opinion/columnists/77338-Milosevic-0

Callous irresponsibility of the International Penal Court amounts to
wanton murder and a gradual and purposeful process of torture, which
eventually cost Slobodan Milosevic his life.

The International Penal Court at The Hague is in serious trouble,
having breached international law on the human rights of prisoners and
the legally afforded processes for sick persons in its control.
However, in today's world, where rules and conventions and agreements
and laws and charters can be broken capriciously, where any common
rules of decency from yesteryear are swept away by a clique of elitist
barons who pull the world's economic strings, what to expect?

What to expect from a "Court" whose chief prosecutor, Carla del Ponte,
stated publicly that Slobodan Milosevic was guilty before the case had
even started? What to expect from a "Court" which held Slobodan
Milosevic in a state of illegal imprisonment after he had been
kidnapped against the laws of Serbia and Yugoslavia ?

What to expect from a "Court" which denied Slobodan Milosevic the
right to conditions and treatment which would have saved his life?
Denying him this right is tantamount to protracted torture and
eventually, murder.

The law

At the First UN Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of
Offenders, Annex 1A, Rule 22(2) it is stated that "Sick prisoners who
require specialist treatment shall be transferred to specialised
institutions or to civil hospitals".

The case

Nico Varkevisser, the Vice President of the International Committee to
Defend Slobodan Milosevic, applied to the IPC for "the specialised
medical care he requires (and)…an additional adjournment for the
complete recovery of the defendant". This was on 5th November, 2002.

The reason was because Slobodan Milosevic was physically at risk,
suffering from chronic malignant hypertension and angina pectoris, as
pronounced by a council of medical experts, conditions made worse by
stress. The condition is so serious that untreated, 75% of patients
die within one year.

Yet what conditions did the IPC apportion to him?

He was forced to opt between taking a breath of fresh air or eating a
sandwich in the basement for nourishment;

The chief prosecutor had years to prepare her case, giving her an
unfair advantage since Mr. Milosevic had far less time to prepare and
present his defence even though the Statute of the Tribunal provides
for adequate time and facilities for the preparation of the defence.
Mr. Milosevic was not apportioned these (she callously stuck over
100.000 pages of documents and 600 video cassettes before Milosevic
for him to defend himself);

Slobodan Milosevic was pursuing his fundamental right under the
International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights to defend
himself, yet the IPC did not give him equal conditions under fair
legal practice to do so;

The IPC Unit did not provide an adequate custodial setting for
Slobodan Milosevic to conduct his defence fairly and worse than this,
provided a stimulus for an increase in dangerous levels of stress,
since the conditions were not consistent with what would be reasonably
expected for an adequate defence at such a massive trial, at which he
was fighting alone against massive resources which he did not have and
which he was denied;

The IPC was aware of this since both Mr. Milosevic's personal
physician, Zdravko Mijailovic, MD, PhD and other medical experts had
warned the authorities as to the precarious and dangerous state of
health suffered by the defendant;

Mr. Milosevic was not allowed to travel to Russia for specialised
medical treatment which would have saved his life.

Mr. Milosevic's last message

Mr. Milosevic's last written message was delivered to the Russian
Ministry of Foreign Affairs on 8th March. It was a request for help.
In the letter he claims:

"I think that the persistence, with which the medical treatment in
Russia was denied, in the first place is motivated by the fear that
through careful examination it would be discovered, that there were
active, wilful steps taken, to destroy my health…"

"On January 12th (i.e. two months ago) an extremely strong drug was
found in my blood, which is used, as they themselves say, for the
treatment of tuberculosis and leprosy, although I never used any kind
of antibiotic during this five years that I'm in their prison".

Why did it take two months to report this? Why was it kept a secret?
Who treated Mr. Milosevic with this drug (which we now discover was to
counter the effects of his treatment)?

In his last letter, Mr. Milosevic spoke of "those who have an interest
to silence me".

Whether or not they managed to silence Mr. Milosevic depends on the
members of the international community, those who defend the state of
law, those who believe in justice and fairness and those who stand for
a world ruled by right and reason, not bullying, belligerence and the
bullet.

The death of Slobodan Milosevic was part of the cabal which has seen
criminal actions of state terrorism become the norm, along with a
callous disregard for common decency and human rights, based upon a
unilateralist Anglo-Saxon Alliance of self-righteousness and sheer
arrogance.

Timothy Bancroft-Hinchey

'''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''

http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/smo031506.htm

DEBUNKING THE CONSPIRACY THEORY: MILOSEVIC COULD NOT HAVE ESCAPED BY
GOING TO THE MEDICAL CENTER IN MOSCOW
www.slobodan-milosevic.org - March 15, 2006

Written by: Andy Wilcoxson

On the occasion of Slobodan Milosevic's death, the Hague Tribunal and
the Western media have concocted an elaborate conspiracy theory in an
apparent effort to absolve the tribunal of responsibility.

According to this conspiracy theory, Milosevic secretly took a drug
called Rifampicin to block the effectiveness of his high blood
pressure medicine, which in turn created a fake medical condition that
he used to justify his request to go to Moscow under the pretext of
obtaining medical treatment, however obtaining medical treatment
wasn't Milosevic's real objective that was just a ruse so that he
could make his escape.

Dr. Donald Uges, a professor of clinical and forensic toxicology at
the University of Groningen, was the first to advance this theory in
the media. He told the New York Times "It's like a James Bond story",
and on that score he's absolutely correct it's exactly like a James
Bond story – it's fiction.

Dr. Uges told the New York Times: "There was one escape for Milosevic
out of prison, and that was to Moscow where his wife and son, and
friends were. He wanted to go to Moscow on a one-way trip."

Moscow was never an avenue of escape for Milosevic. On January 18th
the Russian Government gave the Hague Tribunal assurances that it
would guarantee "Milosevic's personal security during his time in
Russia and his return to The Hague within the timeframe specified by
the Tribunal." Milosevic would have been under armed-guard the whole
time he was in Russia. There was absolutely no chance that he could
escape by getting medical treatment Moscow.

Dr. Uges was all over the media, acting more like a politician than a
doctor, he told the Irish Times that Milosevic "took Rifampicin
himself, not for suicide, only for his trip to Moscow." Of course Dr.
Uges is a toxicologist, and not a mind reader. He can't possibly know
what was going on in Milosevic's thoughts, but he didn't let that get
in his way.

Rifampicin is odorless and tasteless, and as such could have been
mixed into Milosevic's food without his knowledge. He was administered
all of his medicine by guards at the prison dispensary. He took the
medicine that they gave him. The drug could have easily been added
into one of his medicine capsules.

Clearly, Dr. Uges can't know whether Milosevic took the drug knowingly
or not, but we can find a clue in the letter that Milosevic wrote to
the Russian Foreign Ministry on March 8th:

"I think that the persistence, with which the medical treatment in
Russia was denied, in the first place is motivated by the fear that
through careful examination it would be discovered, that there were
active, willful steps taken, to destroy my health, throughout the
proceedings of the trial, which could not be hidden from Russian
specialists."

"In order to verify my allegations, I'm presenting you a simple
example, which you can find in the attachment. This document, which I
received on March 7, shows that on January 12th (i.e. two months ago),
an extremely strong drug was found in my blood, which is used, as they
themselves say, for the treatment of tuberculosis and leprosy,
although I never used any kind of antibiotic during this 5 years that
I'm in their prison."

"Throughout this whole period, neither have I had any kind of
infectious illness (apart from flu)."

"Also the fact that doctors needed 2 months (to report to me), can't
have any other explanation than we are facing manipulation. In any
case, those who foist on me a drug against leprosy surely can't treat
my illness; likewise those from which I defended my country in times
of war and who have an interest to silence me."

In his interview with the New York Times Dr. Urges confirmed that
March 7th was indeed the day that Milosevic learned the drug had been
found in his blood.

Clearly, the detection of the drug is what motivated Milosevic to
write the letter. As the text of the letter makes plain Milosevic was
not knowingly taking the drug.

The letter raises some serious questions: Why did it take the
tribunal's medical staff two months to tell him that the drug had been
found in his blood? If they knew in January, then why wasn't an
investigation launched immediately to determine how the drug was
getting into his system? Why was this information concealed from him
for two months?

The conspiracy theory being advanced in the media by Dr. Uges and
certain "unnamed sources" at the Hague Tribunal just doesn't hold
water. The conspiracy would have to involve: Milosevic, the Russian
Government, the doctors at the Bakulev Medical Center in Moscow, the
person who was procuring the drug and sneaking it in to him, the
doctor who was advising him on how to take it, etc…. It's all just too
far-fetched to be true.

The fact that the tribunal is floating such a stupid story tells you
right off the bat that they're guilty as sin for Milosevic's death.

Milosevic had no motive to sabotage his own health. A trip to Moscow
for medical treatment would not have allowed him to escape. The
Russian Government guaranteed all the way back in January that it
would return him within the timetable set by the tribunal.

If Milosevic had been sabotaging his health he would have been running
the risk of handing his defense over to Mr. Kay. Anybody who followed
the trial proceedings knows that he would have never done that.

The trial was not going well for the prosecution. They had not
presented a stitch of evidence to show that he ordered or condoned the
commission of a single crime. The prosecution spent a great deal of
time trying to prove that crimes were committed, but they never made a
link between any of the alleged crimes and Milosevic.

At the end of the trial the judges were going to have to write a
judgment based on the evidence presented in court. Writing a credible
judgment convicting Milosevic on the evidence would have been
impossible, because the prosecution never managed to link him to a
crime.

The Milosevic trial was an embarrassment for a lot of very powerful
people, which is why the media very rarely covered the proceedings. He
was using the trial as a platform to expose the crimes committed in
Yugoslavia by various Western governments and political officials.

Milosevic had an extremely long list of enemies. A person would have
to be an fool to think that nobody wanted to kill him. It is a
well-known fact that MI6 was plotting his assassination in 1992.

It isn't hard to believe that one of his many enemies wanted to shut
him up so badly that they poisoned him. Maybe they didn't want to kill
him outright; maybe they just wanted him to be sick enough that Mr.
Kay could take over his defense.

At any rate, it's a lot easier to believe that a foreign intelligence
agency, or a corrupt tribunal official, was able to infiltrate one guy
into the prison who mixed the drug into Milosevic's food or into some
of his other medicines.

Whatever their intentions might have been, Milosevic is dead, and
those responsible must be held legally accountable. Clearly, Mr.
Robinson, Mr. Kwon, and Mr. Bonomy bear the most responsibility
because it was their decision that denied him the medical care he
urgently needed in Moscow.

The doctors who knew that the Rifampicin was in his blood, but didn't
tell him for two months must also be held accountable, and the prison
officials who allowed the drug to be smuggled into the prison must
also be held responsible. If nothing else they were negligent in their
duty to keep non-prescribed drugs out of the prison.

                                   Serbian News Network - SNN

                                        news@antic.org

                                    http://www.antic.org/

He lived and died for us and for a better world

"If we cannot convict you on our lies, we will at least make sure you don't
get out alive"

http://blog.lewrockwell.com/lewrw/archives/010149.html


'''''''''''''''''''

To the Family of President Slobodan Milosevic:

When I heard the news that Slobodan Milosevic had died I did not want to
believe it. I did not want to believe that evil had triumphed over good, or
that the evil that had been done to this brave and beautiful man could have
finally killed him.  When I heard it again on the news, my heart sank and I
was deeply sad. His spirit and brilliant mind were indomitable, but his body
was destroyed by the conditions of his arrest and the willful decision by
the Hague Tribunal to let him die in prison rather than receive the medical
treatment they knew he needed. And why proceed with a trial in which he had
already proven his innocence? So in the end this is how the Hague Tribunal
has made its mark on history - with the negligent homicide of Slobodan
Milosevic.

Slobodan Milosevic was not easy to destroy; Slobodan Milosevic was killed
three times. The first time was when they destroyed the country he loved and
lived for - Yugoslavia. The second time was with character assassination,
the preferred weapon of nameless cowards, criminals and liars. The trial
itself did not kill him. He vindicated himself, his country and his people.
He lived and died for us. What more can you say about a man? But ultimately
with no better option before it, the ICTY decided to choke the life out of
him by depriving him of the essential medical care he needed to survive.

My father was also killed by negligence and so I know the bitterness one
feels after such an event. But you can take solace in the fact that Slobo
died a martyr's death. He fought to defend his country, his nation, and a
progressive socialist vision of humanity against the onslaught of a
militarist and imperialist alliance of puppets and puppeteers. He was killed
not because he was a nationalist, but precisely because he believed in
multinationalist unity and justice and a just economic order inimical to the
interests of multinational corporations and their financial and political
institutions. He is the most famous and most courageous Serb of our time.
And in light of the evidence presented at his trial, history will have to
acquit him of all of the monstrous allegations made against him which the
ICTY would not do even though they knew he was not guilty as charged.

Finally, as you know, I had the privilege of meeting President Milosevic
several times. He had great intelligence, warmth, sense of humor and wit,
wisdom, kindness and charm that I will never forget as long as I live. He
was so strong and energetic despite his illness. The prison nurses came
frequently during my visits and reported the news - 240 over 80 or worse.
How did he survive it so long? He was amazing in every way. And then there
was his smile and his penetrating stare which gave you detailed messages
with a single look.

As I said before, he lived and died for us and for a better world. I know
you are proud of him. I feel the same way. And one day I hope the whole
world will feel this way too. If there is a better future, it will.

Barry Lituchy, New York City, 11 March 2006

''''''''''''''

Slobo back to Belgrade
http://today.reuters.com/tv/videoStory.aspx?isSummitStory=false&storyId=2be1
029ead5363bb7c05ed6a9c8442804ae9a0d6


Belgrade getting ready to bid final farewell to Slobodan Milosevic
http://www.itar-tass.com/eng/level2.html?NewsID=4630027&PageNum=0

Scabegoat RIP (J Bisset)

 


National Post (f/k/a The Financial Post) (Canada)
March 15, 2006 Wednesday
                           All but Toronto Edition

ISSUES & IDEAS

HEADLINE: Scapegoat, R.I.P.

BY: James Bissett, National Post


Slobodan Milosevic's obituaries are damning. In death, as in the last years
of his life, the former Serbian president is being blamed for all of the death
and destruction that accompanied the breakup of the Yugoslav Federation in the
early 1990s. He has been described as the "Butcher of the Balkans." He is
accused of masterminding four wars, of committing genocide and ethnic cleansing.
These charges have been repeated so many times that they have become part of
received wisdom. Yet the facts tell a different story.

Two weeks ago I travelled to The Hague to appear as a witness in defence of
Milosevic at his war-crimes trial. We met in his cell for two days, going over
my testimony.

On the first day, he seemed relaxed and in good health. On the second day,
following several hours of discussions, he suddenly became flushed and appeared
to be ill. I asked if he was alright, and he said he was OK, but then explained
that he suffered from a terrible ringing in his ears. The prison doctors had
told him it was "psychological," but finally agreed to a MRI, which revealed
that an abnormal artery was affecting his hearing. He told me he did not believe
he was getting adequate medical attention in the prison, and wanted to get
specialist treatment in Moscow, but tribunal officials had refused.

He regarded the presiding body -- the UN's International Criminal Tribunal
for the Former Yugoslavia -- as a political court set up to make him the
scapegoat for everything that had gone wrong in Yugoslavia. He was aware that
there was, in effect, a Western news blackout of anything revealed during the
trial that was favourable to his case. And he was also resigned to the reality
that he would be found guilty.

I have been asked often why I was willing to appear as a witness for a man
branded by the media as another Hitler. The answer is simple. His prosecution
was the most important war-crimes trial since the Nuremberg Trials of leading
Nazis following the Second World War. It was important that the presumption of
innocence be maintained, and it was equally important that those with relevant
information appear at the court so that their evidence could be heard. I was in
Belgrade as Canada's ambassador during the critical early stages of the Yugoslav
breakup drama, and I was not prepared to remain silent about what I observed.

Even in the early days, it was apparent that most of the media reporting
about the cause and course of the Yugoslav fighting was biased. In effect, the
Serbs had been branded as the bad guys, and any news developments were
interpreted on that basis.

But it was not the Serbians and "Slobo" who started the wars in Yugoslavia.
The fighting started because Slovenia, then a Yugoslav republic, declared
unilateral independence and used force to seize customs posts along the Austrian
border.

The federal prime minister of Yugoslavia, Ante Markovic, who happened to be a
Croatian, ordered the army into Slovenia to restore order. The army was met by
armed resistance and retired to barracks in Croatia to avoid further bloodshed.
The Croatian security and paramilitary forces then surrounded the federal
barracks and fighting broke out in Croatia. At this time, Milosevic, as
president of Serbia, had no control over the federal army. (Incidentally, the
federal minister of defence at the time was also a Croatian, as was the foreign
minister.)

Later, when the army lost all of its non-Serbian soldiers, it did become a
Serb-dominated force. But when the federal government collapsed, it was none
other than Milosevic who ordered all Serbian soldiers out of Bosnia. (At the
time I was asked to call upon him to congratulate him for this decision.) From
the outset of the violence sweeping across Yugoslavia, Milosevic was a key
player in all of the peace plans that were proposed. Had it not been for him,
the 1995 Dayton peace agreement could not have taken place. He was heralded then
by U.S. secretary of state Madeline Albright as a man of peace.

Although the war crimes Tribunal was set up in 1993, it was not until the
bombing of Kosovo five years later that a hurried indictment was issued against
Milosevic on charges of genocide. Yet the forensic teams that searched for
evidence of this genocide in Kosovo have so far discovered fewer than 3,000
bodies -- bad enough, but not genocide.

Milosevic was a communist party boss. He was an apparatchik and an
opportunist interested in holding on to his power, prestige and privileges. He
was not an ardent Serbian nationalist and I believe had little interest in a
"greater Serbia." As the president of Serbia, he was forced to display sympathy
to his fellow Serbians in Bosnia and Croatia, but he did not have authority over
them. He was prepared to help them battle brutally for land and power, but he
was also prepared to sell them out if it was to his own advantage.

There are many Serbians who despise him for that. It is unfortunate that he
died before being given the chance to set down his side of the story. Now we
only have his opponent's version of events.

GRAPHIC: Black & White
Photo: Eric Miller, Reuters; From left, president Slobodan Milosevic of Serbia,
president Alija Izetbegovic of Bosnia-Herzegovina and president Franjo Tudjman
of Croatia sign the Dayton peace accord on Nov. 21, 1995.

                         Copyright 2006 National Post
                             All Rights Reserved

MILOSEVIC'S DEATH: A Political Assassination Blamed on the Victim

 


MILOSEVIC'S DEATH: A POLITICAL ASSASSINATION BLAMED ON THE
VICTIM

By Sara Flounders
Co-Director, International Action Center

In the summer of 2004 I met with former Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic in Scheveningen prison when I was
approved as a defense witness. Before I could get in, I
had to pass four totally separate check points, unable to
take in anything but papers. Each level of security was
more rigid than the one before.

No one who has met with President Milosevic over the past
four years would believe he would risk killing himself
rather than finishing his trial. And no one who visited
Scheveningen in The Hague would believe the outlandish
claims that somehow he was able to smuggle in
un-prescribed medications on a regular basis. They would
instead suspect that the authorities were desperately
trying to cover up their own crimes.

My role as witness was based on my trip to Yugoslavia in
the spring of 1999, during the 78-day U.S./NATO bombing. I
visited bombed schools, hospitals, heating plants and
market places, recording the harm done to civilians. In
addition, I had written since 1993 on the
behind-the-scenes U.S. role in the strangulation and
forced dismemberment of Yugoslavia.

Even after my name was accepted as a defense witness, it
was a complicated and lengthy procedure to make the visit.
Though all was approved on the day of the visit, it still
took four hours to get through the checkpoints into the
special unit inside the prison where the defendants for
the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) were kept totally segregated from
general population and closely monitored.

Scheveningen prison is a maximum-security high-tech
facility. Milosevic and other indicted prisoners are
housed in a special prison unit within the larger prison.
This section is spread over four floors with 12 cells
each. The unit is specially patrolled by United Nations
guards. Cameras are everywhere. Every movement of the
prisoners is monitored and controlled. When the president
was first placed in his cell, lights were kept on 24 hours
a day and every motion was monitored.

WHERE DID RIFAMPICIN COME FROM?

Now the Dutch authorities claim that Milosevic was taking
a rare, difficult-to-acquire antibiotic used to treat
leprosy or tuberculosis that has the unique ability to
counteract the medicine he was taking to control his high
blood pressure. How did this medicine, rifampicin, get
into Milosevic's system? He was held in a maximum security
prison in triple lock down in a special contained unit
within a larger Dutch prison once used by the Nazis to
detain Dutch resistance fighters.

When rifampicin was found last Jan. 12 in Milosevic's
blood, the ICTY kept the report of the blood tests secret,
even from Milosevic and his doctors, who were complaining
that something terribly wrong was damaging the defendant's
health. While the prisoner and his defense committee and
assistant lawyers were demanding health information, the
ICTY officials sat on this report. If ICTY officials
responsible for Milosevic's health really believed he was
sneaking toxic medications into the prison, why hadn't
they publicized this report much earlier?

DELAYS HURT MILOSEVIC

Equally outlandish are the claims that Milosevic staged
his illness to delay the trial. The prosecution delayed
the trial, first by adding charges against the president
regarding Croatia and Bosnia when they realized they had
no war-crimes case on the original Kosovo charges, then by
bringing hundreds of witnesses to generate 500,000 pages
of prosecution testimony from February 2002 to February
2004.

Each time Milosevic was too sick to continue in court, the
prosecution moved to impose counsel and to take away the
prisoner's right to present his own defense. Milosevic was
determined to use the trial as a platform to defend not
only himself but the people of Yugoslavia, and to indict
the U.S., Germany and the NATO powers for their role in
the criminal destruction of his country. He welcomed the
trial as the only platform where he could make the
historical record. In his words to the court he constantly
described why, despite his bad health, he was determined
to continue.

When I met Milosevic it was in the special room that was
the only place where the ICTY allowed him to work or have
the court papers to prepare for his defense. Whenever his
blood pressure rose and he was unable to continue the
court sessions, he was also barred from any access to his
defense materials.

During each step of the trial Milosevic's cardiovascular
problems, especially his high blood pressure had resulted
in several delays in the trial. At each step the ICTY
officials tried to use the issue of his health in constant
efforts to deny him the right to conduct his own defense.
Neither the illness nor the delays helped his defense.

The ICTY charged that Milosevic was secretly medicating
himself and avoiding taking prescribed medicines.
Milosevic answered this charge himself for the court
record on Sept. 1, 2004: "You probably don't know the
practice in your own Detention Unit. I take my medication
in the presence of guards. I'm given them. I take them in
the presence of the guard, and the guard writes down in
the book the exact time when I ingested those medicines."

Despite the life-threatening cardiovascular risk raised in
every dispute with the prosecution, tribunal officials
refused even to secure regular check-ups of the
president's health condition. They also denied access for
months to specialists who were willing to come to
Scheveningen, delaying his care.

The president's own explanation of his problem was more
consistent and credible than the ICTY's. In a letter
addressed to the Russian Embassy two days before he died,
Milosevic writes that he has taken no antibiotics in more
than four years. He asks why the medical report on the
discovery of rifampicin was kept secret from him for
almost two months. He writes that he believes that "active
steps are being taken to destroy my health." He warns that
he is sure he is being poisoned and that his life is in
danger.

A POLITICAL TRIBUNAL

The ICTY's handling of President Milosevic's death has
been like its handling of the entire trial: an attempt to
blame the victim for the crime.

The ICTY is not a real international court, with the
ability to try any accused war criminal. It is a political
court set up by the UN Security Council at the insistence
of Secretary of State Madeline Albright in 1993 in
violation of the UN Charter. Its scope is limited to
trying the peoples of the former Yugoslavia and the vast
majority of prisoners are Serbs. It is a propaganda
apparatus and internment camp for political prisoners
disguised as an unbiased court. It aims to punish the
victims for the crimes committed against them and to
absolve the imperialist powers who invaded, bombed,
dismembered and forced the privatization of the Socialist
Federation of Yugoslavia.

When Milosevic discussed the trial with me, his scope of
historical knowledge, his energy despite his illness, cut
through my own jet-lag and fatigue from the four-hour
entrance hurdle and allowed us to finish the interview
with enthusiasm for the next step of the tribunal.

Now the world is asked to believe that Milosevic is
responsible for his own death. It is a scenario so
incredibly complex, an elaborate suicide story that is as
improbable as the charges he was facing. The
bought-and-paid-for corporate media is accepting and
propagating the story of his death in the same servile
fashion they accepted the very existence of this illegal
court and the justification for the destruction of
Yugoslavia.

Milosevic is now gone. But his summation answering two
years of the prosecution case and his opening defense
speech live on. He has left a ringing indictment of U.S.
and European big-power intervention in the Balkans in a
historic document in an "I accuse" format. His speech,
which contains extensive documentation and factual detail,
has been published in Serbian, Greek, French, Russian and
English. This response, "The Defense Speaks-for History
and the Future," (IAC 2006) will stand long after the
tawdry war propaganda has collapsed.

Russia: Milosevic's Death Sparks Fury With UN Tribunal


Russia: Milosevic's Death Sparks Fury With UN Tribunal
By Claire Bigg
 
Milosevic's wife, Mira Markovic, lives in Russia
(epa)

The lower house of Russia's parliament on March 15 lashed out at the UN war crimes tribunal in The Hague, blaming it for the death of late Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic and calling for its dissolution. Over the past few days, a number of high-ranking political figures have spoken harshly against the court. What is behind Russian anger at Milosevic's death?


MOSCOW, March 16, 2006 (RFE/RL) -- Russian deputies unanimously approved a statement accusing the UN war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) of systematically applying double standards and bias since its creation in 1993.

The statement, which is not legally binding, dismisses the court as "useless" and says it is "essential" that it be immediately disbanded.

Konstantin Kosachyov, the head of the Duma's Foreign Affairs Committee and the man who drafted the statement, accused the international court of being anti-Serb.

"The problem with the Hague tribunal is that, in line with a higher political task given to it, it has established once and for all who the criminals are and that they are in Serbia, while NATO is -- like Caesar's wife -- above suspicion," Kosachyov said.

The statement came just days after the sudden death of Milosevic, who was found dead in his cell at The Hague on March 11. An autopsy has revealed he succumbed to a heart attack.

Charges

Milosevic had been in custody since 2001. He was standing trial on 66 charges that included genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity committed during the wars in Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Kosovo in the 1990s.

The death of Milosevic before the pronouncement of a final verdict came as a severe disappointment to many, not least his prosecutors and victims.

Russia, however, has other reasons for being upset at Milosevic's passing.

The former Yugoslav leader had fervent supporters among the Russian political establishment, particularly among nationalists and communists.

Speaking to RFE/RL's Russian Service, Communist Party leader Gennady Zyuganov cast serious doubt on the UN tribunal's legitimacy: "Even the most pro-American forces in Russia are now silent and ashamed, because they understand that today it's Milosevic, and tomorrow they may get to you. I think all responsible politicians and citizens are seriously asking themselves what kind of tribunal this is, what kind of mock trial, what kind of procedures these are, when one is interrogated hundreds of times for eight or 10 hours. This is enough to push anyone to a heart attack and to death."

On March 15, a group of communists in St. Petersburg wrote to President Vladimir Putin to request that a street be renamed after Milosevic and a bust of him be erected in the city.

Slav Brothers

Russia and Serbia have close historical ties, are both predominantly Orthodox Christian, and have been allies in most of the 20th century's armed conflicts. Business ties between both countries also run deep.

Testifying to these warm relations, Moscow is currently home to Milosevic's wife, son, and brother Borislav Milosevic, who served as Yugoslav ambassador to Russia between 1998 and 2000.

The Kremlin's strong aversion to international rights watchdogs, which it accuses of meddling in Russia's internal affairs, may also explain such passionate calls for the dissolution of the tribunal. Some suggest that the Russian authorities may also fear being hauled one day before The Hague tribunal for crimes against civilians in war-torn Chechnya.

Many in Russia blame the UN tribunal for Milosevic's death.

In its statement March 15, the State Duma called for an independent international inquiry into the circumstances of his death. Deputies accused the court of "negligence or malicious intent."

The statement echoed earlier comments by Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, who on March 13 slammed the court for denying Milosevic permission to seek heart treatment in Moscow: "The Russian Federation provided the tribunal with 100 percent state guarantees that after the completion of the treatment Milosevic would return to The Hague. Those guarantees were examined during a special session of the tribunal, which found them insufficient. Essentially they did not believe Russia. This can only disturb us. It can only worry us that Milosevic passed away shortly afterwards."

Lavrov also said the late Yugoslav leader had sent a letter to the Foreign Ministry three days before dying. In the letter, he reportedly complained the treatment he was receiving in The Hague was harming him.

The foreign minister dispatched a team of Russian doctors earlier this week to check the findings of the official autopsy. The Russian medical team later endorsed those findings, but raised questions about what might have caused the heart attack that killed Milosevic.

Defense Witnesses

This storm of accusations is unlikely to come as much of a surprise to The Hague.

Anton Nikiforov, the chief adviser to the UN's chief war crimes prosecutor Carla Del Ponte, told RFE/RL's Russian Service that Russia has consistently refused to cooperate with the tribunal: "We have asked Russia for certain documents connected to the Milosevic cases and to other cases, but we almost never received anything. Milosevic had high-ranking witnesses from Russia. When we asked these witnesses whether they were ready to show us some of the written documents supporting their testimonies -- since these documents obviously had an official or confidential character -- no one has been able to show them to us."

Three Russian defense witnesses appeared at Milosevic's defense trial -- two former Russian premiers, Yevgeny Primakov and Nikolai Ryzhkov, and General Leonid Ivashov, who once headed the Defense Ministry's International Department.

Milosevic was the sixth person charged with war crimes in the Balkans to die at The Hague. A week earlier, former Croatian Serb leader Milan Babic, who had been a key prosecution witness against Milosevic, committed suicide in the same prison.

He had been sentenced in 2004 to 13 years in prison for crimes against humanity after pleading guilty to persecuting the non-Serb population in Croatia's Krajina region.



http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2006/3/f7df23e5-42ee-4eff-987e-a74ac4a6265a.html



March 15, 2006

Medical mystery swirls around Milosevic

A ruse or poisoning?

Medical mystery swirls around Milosevic 

By Elisabeth Rosenthal and Marlise Simons International Herald Tribune

THURSDAY, MARCH 16, 2006


Was Slobodan Milosevic a normal 64-year-old with manageable medical problems - from high blood pressure to hearing loss - that he manipulated and exaggerated in an attempt to gain his freedom? Or was Milosevic, as his supporters claim, perilously ill, in need of urgent medical evacuation from his detention center, mistreated by prison doctors and perhaps poisoned as well?

For months before his death last weekend, Milosevic and the United Nations war crimes tribunal in The Hague had been sparring over the state of his health. His passing prematurely ended a war crimes trial that had dragged on over four years, but only deepened the medical mystery that was evolving as he lived.

Preliminary autopsy results found that Milosevic had died of a heart attack, although doctors who examined him just months ago did not feel he had significant heart disease. Likewise, blood work before he died detected the presence of a medicine he had not been prescribed, one that would have put him at grave risk by reducing the effectiveness of his blood pressure pills.

Court officials and some scientists have been quick to insinuate that Milosevic was secretly ingesting the extra medicine to exacerbate his medical problems so that he could be transferred to a clinic in Moscow, where his family now lives.

But some confidants, including doctors who spoke to Milosevic in his last weeks of life, said he was alarmed by his poor health and feared prison doctors, as well as Dutch specialist consultants. were providing inadequate treatment.

In any event, several doctors who recently examined Milosevic concluded that the tribunal, in its skepticism about his litany of ailments, at times failed adequately to investigate them.

"His medical condition was not good, so we asked for additional tests to evaluate his cardiac situation," said Dr. Florence Leclercq, a prominent French cardiologist who examined Milosevic for about three hours last November.

"But these investigations were never performed and now that's a problem."

Dr. Patrick Barriot, another French physician who visited Milosevic frequently - last in December - said the former Serbian leader was suffering from increasingly severe high blood pressure in the six months before his death, with symptoms including headaches, visual changes and a constant thrumming noise in his ears.

The pressure routinely read 180/110, the physician said, well above safe limits.

"Each time I saw him, he was clearly deteriorating, more and more tired," said Barriot, who came to know Milosevic when stationed in the former Yugoslavia, and who testified as a defense witness.

Although long-term high blood pressure strains the heart and increases the risk of heart attack, Milosevic did not have any classic symptoms of heart disease, such as chest pain, Leclercq said.

When she heard the autopsy verdict of heart attack, she was surprised.

Attempts to make sense of Milosevic's death are hampered by the fact that reams of medical exams, a list of the medicines he was taking and details of the autopsy are regarded as confidential by the court.

Doctors permitted to see him, or medical records, said they had to sign promises not to divulge details. A toxicology report is expected later this week.

What is clear is that recently Miloevic's blood pressure, a problem since the start of his trial, had became increasingly difficult to control, and prison doctors long suspected him of not taking his medicine, said Donald Uges, one of two Dutch toxicologists consulted on the case.

After several weeks of sleuthing, the toxicologists recently determined instead that he had ingested the antibiotic rifampicin, which would blunt the effect of his blood pressure medicine. Uges, as well as tribunal officials speaking on the condition of anonymity, suggested that the antibiotic was taken intentionally, smuggled in by visitors.

But Barriot dismissed the charge, saying that Milosevic had called him several times recently, "very anxious about his blood pressure" and whether detention-center guards were giving him the right medicine - a worry he brought up in court as well.

"He had no confidence in the drugs or the treatments that were given him in jail," Barriot said.

Leclercq said that when she examined Milosevic last Nov. 4 with two other physicians, "his cardiac situation was extremely difficult to evaluate."

Prison officials assured her that some cardiac tests, like an ultrasound, had been done and were "normal" but could not show her the actual test results, leaving her to conclude that more was needed, she said from her clinic at the Hôpital Arnaud de Villeneuve, in Montpellier, France.

"What was shocking was that in four years lots of tests and exams on his heart had never been done," said Dr. Vukasin Andric, a Serbian physician who also examined that day, noting that Milosevic had had thorough evaluations of organs.

Alexandra Milenov, a spokesperson for the tribunal, said Milosevic had been examined repeatedly by prison doctors and independent specialists, including cardiologists, and that medicine had to be taken under supervision, though in court papers doctors complained that they could not properly monitor Milosevic's medicine intake because of his relatively unen- cumbered access to visitors.

Carla Del Ponte, the chief prosecutor, said she knew Milosevic was ill and had a dossier of about 150 medical reports from various doctors concerning his case.

"If there was one person who was not overlooked it was Milosevic," she said.

Since Milosevic arrived in The Hague in 2001, neither side trusted the other's medical opinions, and debates about his health often eclipsed testimony.

Last Nov. 15, when Milosevic repeatedly interrupted trial proceedings with attempts to discuss a medical report, judges cut him short:

Judge Patrick Robinson: I do not wish to have it discussed now. Are you deaf? Call your next witness.

Milosevic: I probably am deaf.

Judge Robinson: Well if you are, we'll see about that. Call the next witness.

Last fall, because of concerns about his declining health - notably the severe phantom noise in his ears - Milosevic requested a consultation by the outside doctors, a review that Barriot helped to arrange. The experts included Leclercq, Dr. Margarita Shumilina, a Russian vascular specialist, and Dr. Vukasin Andric, an ear specialist.

Shumulina and Andric concluded that Milosevic's hearing problems were "symptoms of disordered brain circulation because of hypertension," according to a confidential report, part of which was read to a reporter.

In practical terms, the team suggested a six-week break in the trial to "reduce or at least stabilize" symptoms - an idea met with skepticism on the court, whose own experts had concluded that the hearing problems were not indicative of serious vascular problems, and that rest would have no effect.

After more than four years of proceedings, the judges were also under some pressure to bring the trial to an end.

Judge Iain Bonomy, in a scathing dissent, noted that the whole consultation was highly suspect because of political ties between Andric and Milosevic. Andric, who had practiced in Kosovo, was a defense witness at Milosevic's trial for war crimes, asserting that Muslim children in Kosovo had pretended to have been poisoned by Serbian troops.

On the day last December the court was to adjourn for a Christmas holiday break, Milosevic upped the ante, requesting permission to fly to Moscow for treatment, which was denied.

By January his blood pressure readings became increasingly erratic, with levels as high as 260/180, Andric has said in the Serbian press. Irate at charges that he had not been taking his medicine, Milosevic agreed to an examination in the prison infirmary, remaining under observation for hours after taking his pills.

"The test established that when I take medication under control, the level of that medication in my blood is far below the expected level," he told the court.

Ironically, it was in part that exercise that led prison doctors to suspect foul play, perhaps by Milosevic, Uges said.

Was there some substance that would nullify the blood pressure medicines?

"We realized that the only thing that could do this was rifampicin," he said. A blood sample was found to contain the compound.

Used commonly to treat tuberculosis, rifampicin is known to reduce the effect of other medicines, from oral contraceptives to blood pressure pills, by stimulating liver enzymes that break down a host of drugs.

But how did rifampicin get into his blood: Was Milosevic intentionally taking it? Or was someone with access to the prison trying to poison him, a charge his supporters and family make?

The drug is common in prison pharmacies in Russia and the United States, where tuberculosis is relatively common, but TB is rare in the Netherlands. Milenov could not say if rifampicin was stocked in the detention center.

In any event, some experts said rifampicin itself was unlikely to explain Milosevic's death, since he did not die of a stroke, a far more common problem with high blood pressure.

Also, its effects on blood pressure "could have simply been counteracted by increasing the dose of President Milosevic's medicine," as is commonly required in patients on rifampicin, said Joris Delanghe, a physician and toxicologist at the University of Ghent.

Skeptics point out that rifampicin is a difficult substance for anyone to use surreptitiously, since its effects are variable and it turns the urine red. And this 64-year-old with a history of smoking and high blood pressure may well have had undetected heart disease, doctors said.

"Refractory hypertension exists and some patients are hard to treat," Delanghe said. He added that for Milosevic, the mental stress of being imprisoned must have been "a major cardiovascular risk factor in itself."

Elisabeth Rosenthal reported for the International Herald Tribune, and Marlise Simons for The New York Times.

 Was Slobodan Milosevic a normal 64-year-old with manageable medical problems - from high blood pressure to hearing loss - that he manipulated and exaggerated in an attempt to gain his freedom? Or was Milosevic, as his supporters claim, perilously ill, in need of urgent medical evacuation from his detention center, mistreated by prison doctors and perhaps poisoned as well?

For months before his death last weekend, Milosevic and the United Nations war crimes tribunal in The Hague had been sparring over the state of his health. His passing prematurely ended a war crimes trial that had dragged on over four years, but only deepened the medical mystery that was evolving as he lived.

Preliminary autopsy results found that Milosevic had died of a heart attack, although doctors who examined him just months ago did not feel he had significant heart disease. Likewise, blood work before he died detected the presence of a medicine he had not been prescribed, one that would have put him at grave risk by reducing the effectiveness of his blood pressure pills.

Court officials and some scientists have been quick to insinuate that Milosevic was secretly ingesting the extra medicine to exacerbate his medical problems so that he could be transferred to a clinic in Moscow, where his family now lives.

But some confidants, including doctors who spoke to Milosevic in his last weeks of life, said he was alarmed by his poor health and feared prison doctors, as well as Dutch specialist consultants. were providing inadequate treatment.

In any event, several doctors who recently examined Milosevic concluded that the tribunal, in its skepticism about his litany of ailments, at times failed adequately to investigate them.

"His medical condition was not good, so we asked for additional tests to evaluate his cardiac situation," said Dr. Florence Leclercq, a prominent French cardiologist who examined Milosevic for about three hours last November.

"But these investigations were never performed and now that's a problem."

Dr. Patrick Barriot, another French physician who visited Milosevic frequently - last in December - said the former Serbian leader was suffering from increasingly severe high blood pressure in the six months before his death, with symptoms including headaches, visual changes and a constant thrumming noise in his ears.

The pressure routinely read 180/110, the physician said, well above safe limits.

"Each time I saw him, he was clearly deteriorating, more and more tired," said Barriot, who came to know Milosevic when stationed in the former Yugoslavia, and who testified as a defense witness.

Although long-term high blood pressure strains the heart and increases the risk of heart attack, Milosevic did not have any classic symptoms of heart disease, such as chest pain, Leclercq said.

When she heard the autopsy verdict of heart attack, she was surprised.

Attempts to make sense of Milosevic's death are hampered by the fact that reams of medical exams, a list of the medicines he was taking and details of the autopsy are regarded as confidential by the court.

Doctors permitted to see him, or medical records, said they had to sign promises not to divulge details. A toxicology report is expected later this week.

What is clear is that recently Miloevic's blood pressure, a problem since the start of his trial, had became increasingly difficult to control, and prison doctors long suspected him of not taking his medicine, said Donald Uges, one of two Dutch toxicologists consulted on the case.

After several weeks of sleuthing, the toxicologists recently determined instead that he had ingested the antibiotic rifampicin, which would blunt the effect of his blood pressure medicine. Uges, as well as tribunal officials speaking on the condition of anonymity, suggested that the antibiotic was taken intentionally, smuggled in by visitors.

But Barriot dismissed the charge, saying that Milosevic had called him several times recently, "very anxious about his blood pressure" and whether detention-center guards were giving him the right medicine - a worry he brought up in court as well.

"He had no confidence in the drugs or the treatments that were given him in jail," Barriot said.

Leclercq said that when she examined Milosevic last Nov. 4 with two other physicians, "his cardiac situation was extremely difficult to evaluate."

Prison officials assured her that some cardiac tests, like an ultrasound, had been done and were "normal" but could not show her the actual test results, leaving her to conclude that more was needed, she said from her clinic at the Hôpital Arnaud de Villeneuve, in Montpellier, France.

"What was shocking was that in four years lots of tests and exams on his heart had never been done," said Dr. Vukasin Andric, a Serbian physician who also examined that day, noting that Milosevic had had thorough evaluations of organs.

Alexandra Milenov, a spokesperson for the tribunal, said Milosevic had been examined repeatedly by prison doctors and independent specialists, including cardiologists, and that medicine had to be taken under supervision, though in court papers doctors complained that they could not properly monitor Milosevic's medicine intake because of his relatively unen- cumbered access to visitors.

Carla Del Ponte, the chief prosecutor, said she knew Milosevic was ill and had a dossier of about 150 medical reports from various doctors concerning his case.

"If there was one person who was not overlooked it was Milosevic," she said.

Since Milosevic arrived in The Hague in 2001, neither side trusted the other's medical opinions, and debates about his health often eclipsed testimony.

Last Nov. 15, when Milosevic repeatedly interrupted trial proceedings with attempts to discuss a medical report, judges cut him short:

Judge Patrick Robinson: I do not wish to have it discussed now. Are you deaf? Call your next witness.

Milosevic: I probably am deaf.

Judge Robinson: Well if you are, we'll see about that. Call the next witness.

Last fall, because of concerns about his declining health - notably the severe phantom noise in his ears - Milosevic requested a consultation by the outside doctors, a review that Barriot helped to arrange. The experts included Leclercq, Dr. Margarita Shumilina, a Russian vascular specialist, and Dr. Vukasin Andric, an ear specialist.

Shumulina and Andric concluded that Milosevic's hearing problems were "symptoms of disordered brain circulation because of hypertension," according to a confidential report, part of which was read to a reporter.

In practical terms, the team suggested a six-week break in the trial to "reduce or at least stabilize" symptoms - an idea met with skepticism on the court, whose own experts had concluded that the hearing problems were not indicative of serious vascular problems, and that rest would have no effect.

After more than four years of proceedings, the judges were also under some pressure to bring the trial to an end.

Judge Iain Bonomy, in a scathing dissent, noted that the whole consultation was highly suspect because of political ties between Andric and Milosevic. Andric, who had practiced in Kosovo, was a defense witness at Milosevic's trial for war crimes, asserting that Muslim children in Kosovo had pretended to have been poisoned by Serbian troops.

On the day last December the court was to adjourn for a Christmas holiday break, Milosevic upped the ante, requesting permission to fly to Moscow for treatment, which was denied.

By January his blood pressure readings became increasingly erratic, with levels as high as 260/180, Andric has said in the Serbian press. Irate at charges that he had not been taking his medicine, Milosevic agreed to an examination in the prison infirmary, remaining under observation for hours after taking his pills.

"The test established that when I take medication under control, the level of that medication in my blood is far below the expected level," he told the court.

Ironically, it was in part that exercise that led prison doctors to suspect foul play, perhaps by Milosevic, Uges said.

Was there some substance that would nullify the blood pressure medicines?

"We realized that the only thing that could do this was rifampicin," he said. A blood sample was found to contain the compound.

Used commonly to treat tuberculosis, rifampicin is known to reduce the effect of other medicines, from oral contraceptives to blood pressure pills, by stimulating liver enzymes that break down a host of drugs.

But how did rifampicin get into his blood: Was Milosevic intentionally taking it? Or was someone with access to the prison trying to poison him, a charge his supporters and family make?

The drug is common in prison pharmacies in Russia and the United States, where tuberculosis is relatively common, but TB is rare in the Netherlands. Milenov could not say if rifampicin was stocked in the detention center.

In any event, some experts said rifampicin itself was unlikely to explain Milosevic's death, since he did not die of a stroke, a far more common problem with high blood pressure.

Also, its effects on blood pressure "could have simply been counteracted by increasing the dose of President Milosevic's medicine," as is commonly required in patients on rifampicin, said Joris Delanghe, a physician and toxicologist at the University of Ghent.

Skeptics point out that rifampicin is a difficult substance for anyone to use surreptitiously, since its effects are variable and it turns the urine red. And this 64-year-old with a history of smoking and high blood pressure may well have had undetected heart disease, doctors said.

"Refractory hypertension exists and some patients are hard to treat," Delanghe said. He added that for Milosevic, the mental stress of being imprisoned must have been "a major cardiovascular risk factor in itself."

Elisabeth Rosenthal reported for the International Herald Tribune, and Marlise Simons for The New York Times.


 

FUNERAL OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC

FUNERAL OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC

Wednesday, 15 March 2006

Remains of President Milosevic arrived to Belgrade

Thursday, 16 March

Casket with remains of President Milosevic will be from 12:00 pm placed in the Museum "25 May" (Bulevar Mira, Belgrade) where the people will be able to pay their respect

Friday, 17 March

Casket with remains of President Milosevic will be whole day in the Museum "25 May" (Bulevar Mira, Belgrade) where the people will be able to pay their respect

Saturday, 18 March

Casket with remains of President Milosevic will be in the morning in the Museum "25 May" (Bulevar Mira, Belgrade) where the people will be able to pay their respect and then the casket will be moved to

12:00 Central commemoration - farewell rally in front of the Federal Parliament in Belgrade and finally to his home town Pozarevac for burial.


All people, all friends, supporters, ICDSM members, parties, organizations and officials from Serbia and abroad are welcome to attend all parts of the funeral.

Last minute changes of the above schedule are possible due to obstruction by the Belgrade puppet authorities.

To announce the arrival of the foreign guests or for any further inquiry that can ease their stay in Serbia on this sad occasion, please contact:

Vladimir Krsljanin of Sloboda/Freedom Association at
+381 63 8862 301
or
Branislav Popovic of SPS International Department at
+381 64 170 2869

March 14, 2006

War Crimes: Goose and Gander

 

Truthout - Mar 13, 2006

http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/031306J.shtml

War Crimes: Goose and Gander
    By Marjorie Cohn
    t r u t h o u t | Perspective

    Monday 13 March 2006

    Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic was found dead in his jail cell at The Hague Saturday. Since 2001, he had been on trial for genocide in Bosnia, and war crimes and crimes against humanity in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo. Although many have already adjudged him guilty, we will never hear the official verdict of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY).

    We will also never see a trial in the ICTY for Bill Clinton, Madeleine Albright or Wesley Clark for the 1999 US-led NATO bombing of Yugoslavia. Nor will George W. Bush, Dick Cheney or Donald Rumsfeld be prosecuted by an international tribunal for their war crimes in Iraq.

    NATO's invasion of Yugoslavia was a war of aggression that violated the United Nations Charter. It was not undertaken in self-defense nor did it carry the approval of the Security Council. Between 1500 and 2000 civilians were killed and many thousands injured. When I visited Belgrade a year after the NATO bombing, I saw schools, hospitals, bridges, libraries and homes reduced to rubble. The ICTY statute prohibits the targeting of civilians. And even though it also forbids the use of poisonous weapons calculated to cause unnecessary suffering, NATO used depleted uranium and cluster bombs, whose devastating character is widely known. NATO also targeted a petrochemical complex, releasing carcinogens into the air that reached 10,600 times the acceptable safety level.

    The American Association of Jurists and a group of Canadian lawyers and law professors filed a war crimes complaint against NATO leaders in the ICTY. Yet that tribunal conducted only a perfunctory investigation of the serious charges. Both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch criticized the ICTY for failing to thoroughly investigate.

    By denouncing the International Criminal Court, Team Bush has ensured that US leaders will never be held to account for war crimes. Although virtually every Western democracy has ratified the statute under which the Court operates, the United States has thumbed its nose at this monumental international justice system.

    Bush has reason to fear prosecution. He has used cluster bombs, depleted uranium, white phosphorous and napalm. And the torture of prisoners in US custody also constitutes a war crime. His war on Iraq is a war of aggression.

    After the Holocaust, the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg called the waging of aggressive war "essentially an evil thing ... to initiate a war of aggression ... is not only an international crime; it is the supreme international crime differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole." Associate United States Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson, one of the prosecutors at the Nuremberg Tribunal, labeled the crime of aggression "the greatest menace of our times."

    For the first time, at Nuremberg, individuals were held criminally accountable for war crimes and waging a war of aggression. Japanese leaders were also tried for atrocities committed during World War II, in the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal.

    Yet US leaders who were responsible for some of the most heinous war crimes ever committed - the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the fire bombings of Dresden, Tokyo and 66 other Japanese cities - were never brought to justice.

    Only the vanquished Germans and Japanese were put on trial. Justice Radhabinod Pal of India, dissenting at the Tokyo Tribunal, called this "victor's justice."

    Indeed, Robert McNamara, who participated in the bombing of Japan during World War II, admitted in the film Fog of War that he and General Curtis LeMay would have been tried for war crimes if the US had lost the war. He said, "LeMay said if we lost the war that we would have all been prosecuted as war criminals. And I think he's right. He ... and I'd say I ... were behaving as war criminals."

    It is no accident that the Iraqi Special Tribunal where Saddam Hussein is currently on trial only has jurisdiction over Iraqi citizens for acts committed prior to May 1, 2003, the day the US-UK occupation of Iraq began. The United States opposed sending Hussein to an international tribunal, and manipulated the Iraqi tribunal to prevent any US leaders from being tried for their war crimes in Iraq.

    What's good for the goose is good for the gander. But the leaders of the world's most powerful country continue to enjoy "victor's justice."


    Marjorie Cohn is a professor at Thomas Jefferson School of Law, President-elect of the National Lawyers Guild, and the US representative to the executive committee of the American Association of Jurists. She writes a weekly column for t r u t h o u t.

The Convenient Death of Slobodan Milosevic


 The Convenient Death of Slobodan Milosevic


To: Mary Mostert <Mary@bannerofliberty.com>
Subject: The Convenient Death of Slobodan Milosevic


The Convenient Death of Slobodan Milosevic


By Mary Mostert, Analyst, Banner of Liberty (www.bannerofliberty.com)

March 13, 2006

Slobodan Milosevic, the last communist head of state for the former Yugoslavia, after four years of a trial conducted by the ICTY (International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia), died in his cell at the Hague, unattended and after much debate with his captors over his health problems. His trial for his alleged crimes has been going on for four years and was supposed to be coming to an end in a matter of weeks.

His death is being viewed as rather convenient by those who might have been embarrassed had he won the case. A Dutch news agency, citing an unidentified "adviser" to the Tribunal, reported that traces of a drug used to treat leprosy and tuberculosis, which would block medications prescribed for Milosevic's heart disease and high blood pressure, were found in his blood.
His attorney, Zdenko Tomanovic told reporters that his Milosevic feared he was being poisoned and requested that an autopsy take place in Moscow. The Tribunal refused that request as it did a recent request to allow Milosevic treatment in Russia for health problems.

During the past 10 years I've done a lot of research on the issues involving the break up of Yugoslavia. The disintegration of Yugoslavia was caused by a civil war that reminded me a great deal of America's own Civil War of 1861-1865. The outbreak of America's civil war was not caused by any one person, but arose largely because of a fundamental disagreement between the North and the South over what the U.S. Constitution says and over the slavery issue.

The South believed the Constitution limited federal sovereignty, and that the States retained their sovereign rights. The North believed Constitution made the federal government the keeper of the nation's sovereignty.

The second fundamental disagreement arose as the Northern States, all of which allowed slavery at the time of the Declaration of Independence, gradually eliminated slavery either because of moral concerns or simply because, in the economy of the North, it was impractical and expensive to maintain.

In American history, the President of the country who believed that the preservation of the Union was more important than states rights was Abraham Lincoln Although the Civil War was the bloodiest war in American history and left anger and resentments that have haunted America every since, today Lincoln is considered one of America's greatest presidents because he managed to preserve the Union.

On the other hand, Slobodan Milosevic's efforts to preserve the unity of Yugoslavia after the death of communist dictator Tito did not succeed - although it might have if US and British Air Forces had not bombed the Serbs for 79 days 1999.

Abraham Lincoln did not, all by himself, create the situation which led the Southern States to secede from the Union and Slobodan Milosevic did not, all by himself, create the situation which led first Slovenia and Croatia to secede from Yugoslavia on June 25, 1991 or Bosnia and Herzegovina to secede from Yugoslavia on October 15, 1991. As a matter of factTito preserved Yugoslav unity by harshly putting down a Croatian separatist movement in
1972 without any outside assistance.

In 1990 in the first multi-party election to be held in Serbia after World War II Slobodon Milosevic was elected President of Serbia. On July 23, 1997 he was elected President of all of Yugoslavia. He lost the election of October 5, 2000, after NATO had bombed the country for 79 days and on April 1, 2001 he was arrested on a charge of corruption and was imprisoned without specific charges.

On June 28, 2001 without any trial on charges in the arrest warrant, the newly elected Serbian leadership handed the previously elected president over to the ICTY to be imprisoned at the Hague.

This would be somewhat comparable to European powers arresting President Abraham Lincoln and hauling him off to Europe for trial. And, had it not been for the diplomacy of Lincoln's Secretary of State, William H. Seward, that might have happened over the Trent affair. The Confederacy had appointed two former US Senators as ambassadors to France and Britain during the Civil War. They went to Havana, caught the British mail steamer Trent for Europe. A Union frigate San Jacinto commanded by Captain Charles Wilkes halted and boarded the Trent, removed the two new Confederate ambassadors and took them to Boston, where they were tossed in prison.

This was considered an act of war by Britain, which promptly demanded reparation and an apology. Seward recommended just that to keep the British from declaring war on the United States. Had that happened, the Union probably could not have won the Civil War and Abraham Lincoln would probably not be honored as a great American president.

>From time to time over the past 4 years I've read some of the ICTY
>trial
transcripts which
<http://www.bannerofliberty.com/BosniaKosovo/OSKosovo-MasterTOC.html>  are posted on my website along with other information on issues involving the former Yugoslavia. Frankly, it was becoming obvious to me that the prosecutors in the case had very poor arguments that were being regularly refuted by Milosevic and his defense lawyers. Although CNN reported and President Clinton believed that Milosevic had killed "over 100,000 Albanians," scores of forensic experts never found the bodies that the Albanians claimed were buried in "mass graves" in Kosovo.

With Milosevic now dead, the ICTY is "unable" to pronounce a verdict.
Technically, there can BE no "guilty" verdict. Under American law, he would have to be considered innocent, since no court of his peers ever declared him guilty. Milosevic is the third Serb to die while imprisoned at the Hague. If he had been a terrorist and the Hague was an American prison, the world media would be up in arms demanding an investigation.

Of course, that won't happen. Anyway, the Serbian Unity Congress (SUC) says the death of Slobodan Milosevic, "together with the passing of two other leaders responsible for the Yugoslav carnage, Croatian president Franjo Tudjman and Bosnian president Alija Izetbegovic, will lead to the final closing of an unfortunate chapter in Serbian, Yugoslav and world history."
All three men were signers of the Dayton Peace Accord in 1995 that was supposed to solve the Balkan problem..

SUC also observed Kosovo Albanian leaders of the most recent Balkan bloodbath are still at large. Former Prime Minister Ramush Hardinaj resigned when indicted for war crimes, and Agim Cheku, who was recently nominated to be Kosovo's prime minister, awaits his indictment for war crimes.

As long as key leaders of the Balkan bloodbath expect to be rewarded for their crimes by being given possession and made leaders of Kosovo, I rather doubt the chapter is closed on this story.



March 13, 2006

Milosevic death adds new "unknown" in EU equation

 
Milosevic death adds new "unknown" in EU equation
Mon Mar 13, 2006 10:21 AM ET
By Mark John
BRUSSELS (Reuters) - The death of former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic adds a potentially dangerous new "unknown" into the European Union's complex ties with membership hopeful Serbia, analysts said on Monday.
EU officials are quietly relieved that the death of the war crimes indictee in a United Nations tribunal cell has not so far stirred up a wave of nationalist sentiment in Serbia that could turn popular opinion against the bloc.
But they recognize it could complicate efforts to get other indictees such as Bosnian Serb general Ratko Mladic to the Hague tribunal, and could harm efforts to convince Serbs that the EU seriously sees a future for them within the bloc.
"We are all hoping that this shows Serbia has moved on. But it is a bit of a dangerous situation given all the other factors," said Gergana Noutcheva at the Center for European Policy Studies in Brussels.
Noutcheva said Milosevic's death was a complicating factor at a time of high pressure for Belgrade, embroiled in talks on the status of the Kosovo province and facing a referendum in its state union partner Montenegro on possible independence.
Apart from a weekend vigil by 100 diehard and mostly elderly supporters at the Socialist Party office, there has been little outpouring of emotion for Milosevic, who led Serbia into war, poverty and international pariah status.
"The reaction has been mixed. We suspect it could be closed quite quickly. It could even be cathartic," said one EU official, saying Brussels hoped it would enable Serbs to turn the page more quickly on the Bosnian wars of the 1990s.
"We must hope Milosevic will be quietly forgotten," echoed Croatia's pro-EU daily Jutarnji List, fearing that Milosevic's death might stir up unwelcome memories in the region.
WORST-CASE SCENARIO
EU foreign ministers meeting in the Austrian city of Salzburg on Saturday insisted Milosevic's death did not alter their demand that Belgrade arrest and hand over Mladic by the end of this month or risk derailing talks on closer EU ties.
Many said Milosevic's death before the end of his trial had cheated the families of Bosnian war victims of the satisfaction of seeing justice done, making it more urgent to bring Mladic and wartime Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic to trial.
But some EU officials acknowledged that Milosevic's prison death could make Mladic -- believed to be enjoying protection from loyalists in the security services -- more reluctant to hand himself in to the very same tribunal.
News of Milosevic's death upstaged what the EU intended as a message of reassurance from Salzburg, confirming that EU entry was the "ultimate goal" for the states of the former Yugoslavia.
Noutcheva said the worst-case scenario would be nationalist politicians using Milosevic's death to drum up sentiment against the West and the EU.
While Mladic's transfer to the Hague remains vital for any progress on Serbia's ties with the EU, analysts say it is time for the bloc to give more encouragement.
"If this really is the decisive year for the Balkans, the carrots offered by the EU are extremely thin," said Aleksandar Mitic, an analyst on south-east Europe and the EU.
Mitic, who also works for Serbian state news agency Tanjug, said the Salzburg statement would disappoint many in Serbia with its insistence on the EU's ability to absorb future members as a proviso to further enlargement.
The European Stability Initiative think-tank agreed. "This (Salzburg meeting) was an opportunity to reassure the region that its European prospects are not slipping into the distant future. This opportunity was missed," it said in a report.
Financial help and promises to make it easier for Serbs to obtain visas to travel to the EU had had little impact on public opinion so far, Mitic added.
Noutcheva also said it was time for the EU to reach out to Serbs more, suggesting it was vital that preliminary talks on a so-called "stabilization and accession agreement" -- a key rung on the ladder to entry -- were concluded this year.
"That would be a big boost (for the pro-EU camp in Serbia) and it could be done," she said.
-- by Mark John, Reuters

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Milosevic's demise a death sentence to Hague Tribunal

 

 

Milosevic's demise a death sentence to Hague Tribunal

15:34 | 13/ 03/ 2006

MOSCOW. (RIA Novosti political commentator Pyotr Romanov.) - The death of Slobodan Milosevic, the former president of Yugoslavia, is a death sentence to the Hague Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Milosevic was the main culprit for the prosecution team led by Carla del Ponte and it based its strategy accordingly.

They needed to pass a verdict of "guilty" on him to prove that he alone is to blame for the barbarous bombings of Serbia and to whitewash the Western "peacekeepers" in Kosovo, who had changed the pole of violence to its opposite. Before their deployment, Serbs were killing Kosovo Albanians; after it, the situation was reversed. And lastly, the West needed to put the blame on Milosevic so as to convince many Serbs that he is not a national hero but a ruthless dictator.

But the West and Carla del Ponte have lost this battle, which is not surprising. She used all of her cases for personal promotion rather than for the pursuit of truth. The whole of Western jurisdiction has lost a battle to one man. Opinions of Milosevic may differ, but he was a brilliant lawyer who spoke in court not as a defendant but as a prosecutor. Many of his arguments were more respectable than the words of Ms. del Ponte.

The Hague Tribunal has also suffered a moral defeat. Its reputation has been damaged by several suspected suicides and the death of the main defendant, who had asked for medical assistance many times. Moreover, all of the deceased were Serbs. The official cause of Milosevic's death has not been made public yet, but two of the aired possibilities sound as a death sentence.

If the version of poisoning is confirmed, it may be used as a reason for a serious investigation, especially because there was a motive. The trial had reached a blind alley, and quite a few people wanted Milosevic dead. The legal adviser of the deceased showed journalists a letter dated March 10, the day before Milosevic was found dead in his cell. In it the former Serbian leader claimed he was poisoned.

If the conclusion is a heart attack, the guilt of the Tribunal will be apparent. Milosevic regularly complained about feeling unwell and asked to be allowed to undergo medical treatment in Moscow.

Professor Dr. Leo Bokeria, chief cardiac surgeon of the Russian Health Ministry, who saw the medical case of Milosevic kept by the court medics, said it was confusing and the doctors' recommendations were not suited to the gravity of the defendant's disease. The Russian doctor said Milosevic had needed an emergency operation, and Russia was ready to perform it, though not because it loved the Serbian prisoner. Russia would have done it for humanitarian considerations and returned Milosevic to The Hague after a proper rehabilitation period.

The Tribunal rejected the offer and questioned the qualifications of Russian doctors and the intentions of the Russian government, thus publicly offending a permanent member of the UN Security Council. When Carla del Ponte was asked if she was sorry she had not allowed Milosevic to undergo medical treatment in Moscow, she replied: "Why should I be? There was a possibility that he would not return to The Hague for the trial. I have nothing to be sorry about."

Milosevic's conscience was not very clean, but the conscience of Western politics is not lilywhite either. There was a reason for putting Slobodan Milosevic on trial. But many Western officials should have been tried together with him for deliberately dismembering Yugoslavia and destroying and humiliating Serbs.

Likewise, Saddam Hussein should be tried together with those who launched the Iraqi war, used the prohibited chemical weapons to bomb Fallujah, kept prisoners at Guantanamo indefinitely, and turned the Abu Ghraib prison into inquisition cells, just as Saddam Hussein had done in his time.

A fair court carefully analyzes all circumstances of a case before formulating the verdict and charges everyone who is to blame irrespective of political considerations and rank. Otherwise it is not a fair trial but a kangaroo court.

The Hague Tribunal has died as a court one can trust.

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and may not necessarily represent those of RIA Novosti.



Claims Of Poisoning Raise Stakes Of Milosevic Autopsy

 
Claims Of Poisoning Raise Stakes Of Milosevic Autopsy
Yugoslavia – War crimes – Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic pictured during a visit to Prishtina (Pristina), Kosovo on 25 June 1997. (Size: 155x220.) Source: epa.
Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic (file photo)
(epa)
PRAGUE, March 11, 2006 (RFE/RL) -- An autopsy has been ordered on former Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic, the so-called "butcher of the Balkans" being tried for war crimes, after he was found dead today in his prison cell. He was 64.

Dutch television reports that forensic experts will examine the body at the Dutch Forensic Institute in The Hague on March 12. A Serb doctor despatched by the Serbian government will reportedly attend the autopsy.

The UN war crimes tribunal in The Hague says that there are no indications that Milosevic committed suicide and believes that he died of natural causes. Milosevic suffered chronic heart ailments and high blood pressure.

However, Milosevic's lawyer, Zdenko Tomanovic, said that his client had feared that he might be poisoned, comments that will fuel speculation in Serbia and Montenegro about the death of the country's former president. The deputy head of Milosevic's Socialist Party of Serbia, Milorad Vucelic, has already blamed the tribunal for Milosevic's death, saying its decision to reject his request for treatment in Russia had killed him.

The Milosevic family has said it does not trust the UN tribunal to conduct the autopsy impartially.

Chief UN war crimes prosecutor Carla Del Ponte said she regretted Milosevic's death because she believed she would have won his conviction.

"I regret deeply what happened, first of all, because after more than three years of trials, we are reaching the end of the trials by the beginning of this summer, and I think that it is regrettable for all witnesses, for all survivors, for all victims, [who] are expecting justice, but we must expect now the result of the autopsy to see what is the cause of death," Del Ponte said.

Milosevic had been on trial since February 2002, defending himself against 66 counts of crimes, including genocide, in Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo. He was the first sitting head of state ever to be indicted for such crimes.

Supporters in Milosevic's homeland declared his death a "huge loss," while citizens of Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo said his death brought some justice to his victims.

The European Union, which has been urging Serbia and Montenegro to do more to capture the fugitive wartime leaders of the Bosnian Serbs Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic, said that Milosevic's death does not relieve Serbia of its responsibility to continue to hand over war crimes suspects.

The U.S. administration called Milosevic "the principal figure responsible for the violent dismemberment of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, including the outbreak of two horrific wars in Bosnia and Kosovo," and said that it continues to support the work of the International Criminal Tribunal in The Hague.

(compiled from news agencies)


Shortcut to: http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2006/03/ca06a7c5-1d4b-4677-a125-cb1d6d32f5c2.html

Text of Milosevic Letter Sent to Russia



Text of Milosevic Letter Sent to Russia By The Associated Press ASSOCIATED PRESS

The text of a handwritten letter dated March 8, 2006, written by Slobodan Milosevic to Russia asking for its help. It was provided in an English translation by his lawyer Zdenko Tomanovic:

To the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation.

Dear ladies and gentlemen,

With my acknowledgment for the solidarity and understanding which you expressed by accepting to receive me to come for medical treatment and by giving guarantees, I would like to inform you about the following:

I think that the persistence, with which the medical treatment in Russia was denied, in the first place is motivated by the fear that through careful examination it would be discovered, that there were active, willful steps taken, to destroy my health, throughout the proceedings of the trial, which could not be hidden from Russian specialists.

In order to verify my allegations, I'm presenting you a simple example which you can find in the attachment. This document, which I received on March 7, shows that on January 12th (i.e. two months ago), an extremely strong drug was found in my blood, which is used, as they themselves say, for the treatment of tuberculosis and leprosy, although I never used any kind of antibiotic during this 5 years that I'm in their prison.

Throughout this whole period, neither have I had any kind of infectious illness (apart from flu).

Also the fact that doctors needed 2 months (to report to me), can't have any other explanation than we are facing manipulation. In any case, those who foist on me a drug against leprosy surely can't treat my illness; likewise those from which I defended my country in times of war and who have an interest to silence me.

Dear Sirs, it is known to you that Russian physicians, who rank among the most respected physicians in the world, came to the conclusion that the examination and treatment of the vascular problems in my head are inevitable and urgent. I know very well that this is true, as I feel very bad.

I'm addressing you in expectation that you help me defend my health from the criminal activities in this institution, working under the sign of the U.N., and that I be enabled as soon as possible to get adequate treatment in your hospital, in whose physicians, as well as in Russia, I have absolute confidence.

Yours sincerely,

Slobodan Milosevic

Milosevic to be buried in Belgrade

 

 
International Herald Tribune
Milosevic may be buried in Belgrade
MONDAY, MARCH 13, 2006

Rest Easy, Bill Clinton: Milosevic Can't Talk Anymore

 

Jeremy Scahill
 

Slobodan Milosevic is characterized in the obituaries as the "Butcher of the Balkans." If that is the story you want to read about, please go to almost any other media outlet and read it again and again. Some are now suggesting that death is Milosevic's final revenge, that he "ended up cheating history" by dying before judgment was passed. But the world has already passed judgment on Milosevic and what is being cheated by his death is history itself.

What the corporate media overwhelmingly ignores in Milosevic's death is what they ignored in his life as well--his intimate knowledge of US war crimes in Yugoslavia. While Milosevic was undoubtedly a war criminal who deserved to be tried for his crimes, he was also the only man in the unique position of being able to expose and detail the full extent of the US role in the bloody disintegration of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. In fact, that is precisely what he was fighting to do at his war crimes trial when he died.

Because of the rule of victors' justice in the ad hoc tribunal system (a poor and unfair substitute for a true international court), Milosevic's case would have been the only international trial to potentially expose the details of the illegal, US-led NATO bombing of Yugoslavia for 78 days in 1999. While the US-backed court consistently tried to limit Milosevic's right to speak, stripping him of his right to self-representation, Milosevic battled regularly to raise US war crimes. Sadly, with Milosevic will likely die the last hope the victims of these crimes in Yugoslavia had of getting their day (if it could even be called that) in court--a tragic and unjust reality to begin with--that speaks volumes about the twisted state of international justice.

Milosevic's cause, regardless of what one thinks of it, was a casualty of 9/11--an event that relegated him and his trial to the annals of history before it was even over. Most people in the world--with the exception of those in the Balkans where the proceedings were broadcast live, daily--probably didn't even know Milosevic was still on trial in the Hague. It became an obscure sideshow to the blood and gore unfolding constantly on the international stage.

Milosevic's death means that those who bombed Yugoslavia for 78 days beginning 7 years ago this month, killing thousands, will be, once and for all protected from any public scrutiny for their crimes. However opportunistic Milosevic may have been, he would have been one of the few people to appear at the Hague that could have--and would have--laid out these crimes in great detail. Now, there is almost certain to be no condemnation of the US bombing of Radio Television Serbia, killing 16 media workers, the cluster bombing of the Nis marketplace, shredding human beings into meat, the use of depleted uranium munitions and the targeting of petrochemical plants causing toxic and chemical waste to pour into the Danube River. There will be no condemnation of the bombing of Albanian refugees by the US or the deliberate targeting of a civilian passenger train or the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. Milosevic also would have discussed how the US supports a regime in Kosovo that has systematically expelled Serbs, Romas and other ethnic minorities from their homes and burnt down scores of churches. He would have discussed the role of the US in funding and arming the Kosovo Liberation Army, which operates like a death squad and how the new prime minister of Kosovo, Agim Ceku, is a US-trained war criminal who gained infamy in both the Bosnian war and the 1999 Kosovo conflict. And Milosevic would have talked of the US interference in the Yugoslav elections in 2000 and the ultimate neoliberal takeover that was the aim of Clinton's sanctions and 78 days of bombing. In reality, it would have fallen on deaf ears, but it would have been stated for the record.

It is ironic that Milosevic's last legal battle was an attempt to compel his old friend turned nemesis Bill Clinton to testify at his trial. If successful, Milosevic would have grilled the man who was US president through the entire Yugoslav war in what would have been a fiery direct examination. Clinton and Milosevic were once pals who talked collective strategy in the 1990s. Milosevic had many damning stories to tell and, without a doubt, uncomfortable questions to ask Clinton. The judges in Milosevic's case clearly worked to keep those moments from ever happening and the US government made clear its forceful opposition to such subpoenas of US officials, even considering invading a country that would put a US official on trial. With or without Clinton, Milosevic's defense would have brought to light some serious documentation of US war crimes and he died, muzzled, before he really got started.

Little attention, therefore, has been paid to Milosevic's long-term efforts--which predated 9/11, the 1999 NATO bombing and his own trial--to expose the presence of al Qaeda in the Balkans--from Bosnia to Kosovo. With 9/11, Milosevic's talk of al Qaeda was easily dismissed as laughable, pathetic opportunism. But those who followed Milosevic's career and more importantly the events of the 1990s in Yugoslavia know it was none of those. Those allegations were based on true events the US does not want discussed in an international court. Following the defeat of the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s, many Mujahadeen eventually turned their sights on Yugoslavia where they went to fight alongside the Bosnian Muslims against the Orthodox Serbs and Catholic Croats. Once again, the US and bin Laden were on the same team. To this day there are reports of training camps in Bosnia, which remains under occupation. It is also a likely training ground for future blowback.

In his opening statement, Milosevic alluded to some of the information he would introduce during his defense. "In 1998 when [Clinton envoy Richard] Holbrooke visited us in Belgrade, we told him the information we had at our disposal, that in Northern Albania the KLA is being aided by Osama bin Laden, that he was arming, training, and preparing the members of this terrorist organisation in Albania. However, they decided to cooperate with the KLA and indirectly, therefore, with bin Laden, although before that he had bombed the embassies in Kenya and Tanzania [and] had already declared war." Milosevic concluded that "one day all this will have to come to light, these links."

That, however, is unlikely and more so now that Milosevic is dead.

To be sure, there will never be indictments of these US war criminals at the Hague: Bill Clinton, Madeline Albright, Jamie Rubin, William Cohen, Sandy Berger, Richard Holbrooke and Wesley Clark. For many of Serbia's victims of US war crimes, Milosevic's trial was a "Hail Mary" pass, as awful of an historical irony as that is, aimed at someone recognizing their forgotten suffering.

It is a sad testimony to the state of international jurisprudence that after many attempts to find justice, the only hope for US victims in the Yugoslavia wars was the trial defense of a man many of those same victims despised. If there was an independent international court that was recognized and respected by the US, those responsible for bombing Yugoslavia would have been alongside Slobodan Milosevic in the docks these past years instead of having their responsibility being buried with him.