March 12, 2006

How to Get Away With Murder:

 
 
 

The Death of Slobodan Milosevic


   Today, Saturday 11 March 2006, Slobodan Milosevic was found lifeless on his bed in his cell at the United Nations Detention Unit in Scheveningen.
   The guard immediately alerted the Detention Unit Officer in command and the Medical Officer. The latter confirmed that Slobodan Milosevic was dead.

I would have posted more....But....Right now, the nature of what's available from the English-language news sources to which we all have ready access in this Internet age is so predictably biased and, indeed, systematically distorted (e.g., Reuters quotes the French Foreign Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy to the effect that "Milosevic conceived and planned" everything), I'm afraid to touch it, without also putting on a pair of gloves before doing so.  Or a toxic waste disposal suit. 

Just to give you one example of what I mean: Milosevic's corpse can't be more than a few hours cold, and the American Senator, leading light of the Democratic Party, and ranking Minority Member of the Senate International Relations Committee, Joseph R. Biden of Delaware, already has taken to the American airwaves to recapitulate the statement he issued way back on June 28, 2001---the day when certain Belgrade officials shipped Milosevic to the same Scheveningen Detention Unit where he just died.

Said Biden then: "We are witnessing one of the most significant events in postwar European history, where a nation has voluntarily turned over to an international tribunal for trial one of the most dangerous and maniacal European leaders since Hitler."  Now.  Tack on the French Foreign Minister's line about Milosevic having "conceived and planned" everything, and we have a pretty good foretaste of tomorrow's headlines.

Over the next several days, be on the lookout for statesmen and commentators and above all professional victims whose point of view will be indistinguishable from that of the Office of the Prosecutor at the Tribunal where Milosevic just died.  Modern Hitler + Conceived and Planned Everything are the order of the day.  The purpose of such historical engineering and revisionism-before-the-fact---indeed, the most egregious reaches as far back as 1990-1991---it's always best to stake-out one's claim to the record as early as possible---is, and always has been, to use the West's institutional machinery to impose an account of the breakup of Yugoslavia that hews to these revealed Truths. 

As Michael P. Scharf, an American professor of international law and, as Michael Mandel tell us in his invaluable book, How America Gets Away With Murder (Pluto Press, 2004, p. 117ff), a "self-described 'insider' who was actively involved in the formulation of US war crimes policy, and who had a big hand in drafting the law governing the tribunal," wrote in the months following the U.S.-led war over Kosovo in 1999 ("Indicted For War Crimes, Then What?" Washington Post, Oct. 3, 1999):

From the beginning, the Security Council's motives in creating the tribunal were questionable. During the negotiations to establish the court--talks in which I participated on behalf of the U.S. government--it became clear that several of the Security Council's permanent members considered the tribunal a potential impediment to a negotiated peace settlement. Russia, in particular, worked behind the scenes to try to ensure that the tribunal would be no more than a Potemkin court.

The United States's motives were also less than pure. America's chief Balkans negotiator at the time, Richard Holbrooke, has acknowledged that the tribunal was widely perceived within the government as little more than a public relations device and as a potentially useful policy tool. The thinking in Washington was that even if only low-level perpetrators in the Balkans were tried, the tribunal's existence and its indictments would deflect criticism that the major powers did not do enough to halt the bloodshed there. Indictments also would serve to isolate offending leaders diplomatically, strengthen the hand of their domestic rivals and fortify the international political will to employ economic sanctions or use force. Indeed, while the United States and Britain initially thought an indictment of Milosevic might interfere with the prospects of peace, it later became a useful tool in their efforts to demonize the Serbian leader and maintain public support for NATO's bombing campaign against Serbia, which was still underway when the indictment was handed down.

Five years later, at the time Milosevic was scheduled (finally) to begin his defense, the master cynic returned to this theme ("Making A Spectacle of Himself," Michael P. Scharf, Washington Post, Aug. 29, 2004): 

In creating the Yugoslavia tribunal statute, the U.N. Security Council set three objectives: first, to educate the Serbian people, who were long misled by Milosevic's propaganda, about the acts of aggression, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by his regime; second, to facilitate national reconciliation by pinning prime responsibility on Milosevic and other top leaders and disclosing the ways in which the Milosevic regime had induced ordinary Serbs to commit atrocities; and third, to promote political catharsis while enabling Serbia's newly elected leaders to distance themselves from the repressive policies of the past. [Trial Judge Richard] May's decision to allow Milosevic to represent himself has seriously undercut these aims.         

Confronted with material such as this, I'm afraid that we can but repeat the same response only so many times before turning blue in the face.  Either one reads a Michael Scharf and instinctively recoils from the shameless commitment to Big Lying.  Or one doesn't.  For every person who has recoiled over the past 15 years, a thousand have applauded.

With Milosevic's death, we lose the opportunity that his trial provided us to hijack the institutional machinery of the Tribunal in the faint hope of countering the historical-engineers and party-liners and cynics-without-peer who populate World-NATO like so many busy little bees.   

Decision on Assigned Counsel Request for Provisional Release (IT-02-54-T),  Judge Patrick Robinson, Presiding, ICTY, February 23, 2006 

"Slobodan Milosevic Found Dead in His Cell at the Detention Unit" (CC/MOW/1050ef), Press Release, ICTY, March 11, 2006
"
Statement by the ICTY Prosecutor" (FH/OTP/1051e), Press Release, ICTY, March 11, 2006 
"
Milosevic dies in jail: UN Tribunal," Nicola Leske, Reuters, March 11, 2006 

How America Gets Away With Murder: Illegal Wars, Collateral Damage and Crimes Against Humanity, Michael Mandel (Pluto Press, 2004)
The New York Times on the Yugoslavia Tribunal: A Study in Total Propaganda Service, Edward S. Herman and David Peterson, ColdType, 2004 
"
A Premature Death," George Kenney, ElectricPolitics.com, March 11, 2006

"The Trial of Slobodan Milosevic VI," ZNet, February 11, 2006
"
The Death of Slobodan Milosevic," ZNet, March 11, 2006

This was murder

 The ICTY killed Milosevic, pure and simple. He suffered from high blood pressure and a heart condition. The ICTY refused to allow him to go to Russia for treatment despite his complaints of diziness and a roaring pressure in his ears recently. The ICTY pushed on at a breakneck pace and adopted tactics that would raise anyone's blood pressure. From the large number of outright liars and NATOcrats testifying for the prosecution to the endless documents given Milosevic at the last moment to the judges cutting off his microphone, placing arbitrary limits on his examinations and cross-examinations, the many outrageous restrictions placed on him and so much more the ICTY's ways would drive anyone crazy. I really believe most people in that position would have given up or gone much sooner. This death conveniently saves the ICTY the trouble of fabricating a guilty verdict which they had NO evidence for. None. Although the trial did see lots of evidence against NATO, the KLA, Croat and Bosniak forces, and even the various "democratic opposition" leaders and their paramilitaries(so beloved by the West and even the Left),
folks like Djindjic and Draskovic. 

the Left didn't follow the trial

The tragedy is that so few people followed the trial or understand what went on at all. Instead most leftists and activists continue to rely on and parrot the same grossly compromised, unreliable and hysterical sources that made the NATO bombing possible. Take for instance, the "ethnic cleansing" of kosovo. Ms. Prentice's testimony simply confirms once again that there was no Serb campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Albanians. When will people accept that the Yugoslav government did not launch a campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Albanians in Kosovo? Given not only the testimony of Prentice but also 1) The large exodus of Serbs, Roma and others from Kosovo during NATO's bombing campaign (pecentage wise more Serbs than Albanians left Kosovo) 2) the presence of tens of thousands of Albanians in Belgrade itself throughout the war and even today 3) the testimony of key defense witnesses and the exhibition of hundreds even thousands of documents to the effect that the VJ issued orders to respect international law and that there was a policy of punishing and prosecuting those soldiers who did commit war crimes 4)the glaring inconsistencies and outright lies exposed in the testimony of Albanian witnesses (indeed for so many prosecution witnesses quite regardless of ethnicity) for the ICTY prosecution 5) the testimony of both defense and prosecution witnesses including documentation that the KLA was planning to stage an exodus of ethnic Albanians from Kosovo (and that the KLA and Albanians criminals were even engaging in massive pressure against fellow ethnic Albanians to force them to comply) 6) the outrageous campaign of lying, deception and pro-NATO bombing propaganda that the press engaged in and continues to engage in on nearly all matters concerning Yugoslavia 7) the fact that OSCE, German and British documents show no sign of a plan to ethnically cleanse Kosovo etc., given all that why (apart from ignorance, fear or indoctrination) do so many on the left (including some Znet contributors) continue to claim the FRY government launched a campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Kosovar Albanians? This has nothing to do with liking Milosevic or hating him. It's just a question of information and honesty.

The "Left" Led the Cheers for the Trial

Dimitri:

As at least one of the principals behind the International Committee To Defend Slobodan Milosevic described Milosevic's death in custody today, the Tribunal's refusal to permit Milosevic to seek the medical care he had been requesting since last December at Moscow's Bakoulev Scientific Center for Cardiovascular Surgery was "tantamount to murder."  (About which, see "Decision on Assigned Counsel Request for Provisional Release," February 23, 2006.  "[T]he Chamber notes that the Accused is currently in the latter stages of a very lengthy trial, in which he is charged with many serious crimes, and at the end of which, if convicted, he may face the possibility of life imprisonment. In these circumstances, and notwithstanding the guarantees of the Russian Federation and the personal undertaking of the Accused, the Trial Chamber is not satisfied that the first prong of the test has been met—that is, that it is more likely than not that the Accused, if released, would return for the continuation of his trial" (par. 18).  So Milosevic didn't get to travel to Moscow for medical care.  And some 16 days later, he wound up dead.  The wreckage of the ICTY's prosecution of its star defendant notwithstanding, the ICTY outlives its star defendant.  With the ICTY's help.) 

I agree with your assessment overall ("The Left didn't follow the trial," March 11).  And not only didn't the Left follow the Milosevic trial.  Or even familiarize itself with the fundamental injustices of the entire ICTY apparatus.  But, disgracefully, the Left (if usage of the term has any merit at all) frequently led the cheers for ICTY-type injustices, having spent the past 15 years propagating accounts of the breakup of Yugoslavia that often read as if they had come straight from the Office of the Prosecutor's press kit.  

By the way, you mention "many on the left (including some Znet contributors)...." 

Pray tell: Which ZNet contributors do you have in mind?  

Not the first ICTY death in custody either

 Milosevic's death follows the recent and rather mysterious "suicide" of  former Republika Srpska Krajina leader Milan Babic. Neither of these were the first deaths in ICTY custody.   Milan Kovacevic and Djordje Djukic died after being denied medical treatment and Slavko Dokmanovic  also died in his cell, another alleged "suicide". All Serbs, all dead in ICTY custody. Then there are the various "indicted war criminals" and/or their "supporters" who were shot by NATO troops while "resisting arrest" (according to NATO troops and their spokesmen). As far as I know all Serbs also. That the ICTY has not been denounced by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty and various other so-called human rights groups speaks volumes about the cooptation of such human rights groups and the role they play in legitimating various kinds of imperial violence (even while denouncing other kinds of imperial violence) and helping construct the official narrative.
 

Deaths While in ICTY Custody

Dimitri:

At least according to Associated Press, here is an answer to your query ("Not the first ICTY death in custody either," March 11):

Associated Press Worldstream
March 11, 2006 Saturday 8:07 PM GMT
HEADLINE: 11 war crimes suspects indicted by U.N. tribunal have died
BYLINE: By The Associated Press
DATELINE: BELGRADE Serbia-Montenegro

Eleven war crimes suspects indicted by the U.N. tribunal for the former Yugoslavia have died:

March 11, 2006: Slobodan Milosevic was found dead in his bed at the U.N. prison near The Hague.

March 2006: Milan Babic, 50, a Croatian Serb convicted of war crimes during a Serb rebellion against Croatia's independence, was found dead in his prison cell after an apparent suicide.

May 2003: Momir Talic, a Bosnian Serb general charged with genocide, died at the age of 61, following his release from the U.N. detention facility after doctors diagnosed him with cancer.

March 2003: Mehmed Alagic, a Bosnian Muslim general indicted for war crimes against Serbs and Croats during Bosnia's 1992-1995 war, died of a heart attack at home during a temporary release from the U.N. custody.

August 1998: Milan Kovacevic, a Bosnian Serb charged with crimes against humanity, died in the U.N. court's detention facility at the age of 57. His family claimed he was denied medical assistance and died painfully from a ruptured aorta.

June 1998: Slavko Dokmanovic, a Croatian Serb indicted for war crimes during the Croatian war, hanged himself in his cell at the U.N. detention facility.

April 1997: Djordje Djukic, Bosnian Serb general charged for his role in the shelling of Sarajevo, died shortly after being released from the U.N. detention center as terminally ill from pancreatic cancer.

Four other Serb war crimes suspects died before they were extradited to The Hague:

April 2002: Vlajko Stojiljkovic, Serbia's former police chief who served under Slobodan Milosevic, shot himself in the head in front of the parliament building in the capital, Belgrade, saying in a suicide note he did it because of his refusal to be handed to The Hague. The tribunal sought him for crimes during the 1998-1999 Kosovo conflict.

October 2000: Janko Janjic, a Bosnian Serb wanted for alleged rape during the Bosnian war, committed suicide and wounded four German soldiers with a hand grenade while resisting arrest by NATO troops in Bosnia.

January 1999: Dragan Gagovic, a Bosnian Serb accused of raping and torturing Muslim women, was shot to death by French NATO troops in eastern Bosnia while resisting arrest on war crimes charges.

July 1997: Simo Drljaca, a Bosnian Serb suspect, was killed by British commandos trying to arrest him.

With Milosevic Dead, West Will Blame Serbians Collectively




http://regnum.ru/english/604047.html


Regnum (Russia)
March 12, 2006


Milosevic’s death “will let to preserve accusations against Serbians”


“Slobodan Milosevic’s death will cease the investigation of many episodes of ethnic clashes in the Balkans in the framework of the International Tribunal on former Yugoslavia, as the only accused in it was Milosevic,” prominent Serbian historian and columnist Miroslav Jovanovic.

According to Jovanovic, most charges against Milosevic had no solid evincive basis.

However, now, Serbia’s opponents can repeat these accusations once and again, and there will be no prosecution on these accusations.

By the way, as Jovanovic stressed, the accusations presented against Milosevic were mostly accusations against Serbians, and conviction of Milosevic were intended by many as conviction of Serbians as a whole.
....
Former Yugoslavian President Slobodan Milosevic was found dead in his cell in prison of the International Tribunal on former Yugoslavia on March 11.
------------------------------------------------------
http://regnum.ru/english/604078.html


Regnum (Russia)
March 12, 2006


Milosevic wrote a letter to Russian foreign minister before death


Before his death, ex-President of Yugoslavia Slobodan Milosevic wrote a letter to Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov.

As Lenta.ru reports, legal assistant of the former Yugoslavian president Branko Rakic informed about it on March 11.

According to Rakic, on March 10, Milosevic sent a letter to Lavrov, in which he shared his concern that a campaign is held against his health.

“This last message of Milosevic was sent to Moscow, which demonstrates how strongly Milosevic believed in Russia and its officials,” says Branko Rakic.

According to the spokesman for the Russian foreign ministry Mikhail Kamynin, the ministry has received no letter yet.

Earlier, lawyer of the former Yugoslavian leader Zdenko Tomanovic announced that Milosevic could have been poisoned.

Milosevic was found dead in his cell of the Hague prison.

Milosevic suffered from high blood pressure and cardiovascular problems; however, he was not allowed to undergo medical treatment.

The reason of Slobodan Milosevic’s death has not been found.



George Kenney's comment on SM death

 

A Premature Death

Slobodan MilosevicFor five hours in mid-August 2004, I met with Slobodan Milosevic in a cramped, improvised office, cluttered with papers and books, in a UN detention area within the huge Dutch prison at Scheveningen, a seaside suburb of the Hague. Outside, spotless townhouses provide normality; cyclists blithely cruise the flats past the prison's gates. Always known for posh mansions, a favorite of foreign diplomats, today Scheveningen's boardwalk and casinos are its big draws, elbowing aside the glittering sea.

I'd told you in the wrap-up of my March 9 podcast conversation with Linda Schade that I was standing by to return to the Hague imminently, to be a witness for the defense in Milosevic's trial at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). With his death this morning in his cell that's not going to happen. So here are a few ramblings:

Casual, somewhat rumpled, Milosevic talked more than I did, chain smoking the entire time. Since he'd battled indictments for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes for over two years I'd expected a chastened, worn out man but found him full of vinegar, determined to turn the tables on the court. "I will ruin them!" he told me.

When Milosevic's team asked me to be a defense witness I was of two minds. On the one hand I figured he should probably be in jail in Serbia (and I told him so), on the other the prosecution at the ICTY had never been able to provide a 'smoking gun' implicating Milosevic in any particular crime. Indeed, the prosecution saw ordinary grounds for dismissal as a plus: it cleared away facts and gave the court a chance to convict on a theory of history, thereby fulfilling its informal mandate to legitimize Nato's interventions in Yugoslavia's collapse. The prosecution alleged Milosevic had 'command responsibility' in a 'joint criminal enterprise' to start a civil war, wreck the Yugoslav state, and create a 'greater Serbia' from the rubble. Conviction would have applied in principle to Serbia as a whole, making its policy stance during the civil war illegal after the fact.

At least up through 1995—whether we liked him or not—Milosevic had been an indispensable partner in negotiating a settlement and indeed was a signatory to the Dayton agreement that ended the war. Setting the later Kosovo indictments aside (which I was not in a position to testify about), to chase after Milosevic for pre-Dayton activities seems to me illogical and would, in some substantive way, make all the negotiating partners complicit in the alleged crimes. Moreover, if the ICTY wanted to go after Milosevic in such a manner then fairness dictates that leaders from the top echalons on all sides should be indicted for similar 'command responsibility' for identical crimes. They were not.

Milosevic asked me, "Why did the US and Nato do this to us?" He was genuinely puzzled. I have thought a lot about the "whys" and ventured that in post-Cold War Europe no place remained for a large, independent-minded, socialist state that resisted globalization. He'd had such ideas too, and fell silent, slowly nodding his head with a wry smile. "We were too good," he said, and after a pause, "and too independent." I offered one further insight: How could it be that western elites coalesced so early, so easily, upon a narrative for Yugoslavia's civil war so at variance with known facts, and so impermeable to correction? The elite's ability to get things wrong still does not speak clearly for itself. A predisposition existed, I told him, that ascribes infallibility to claims of genocide if they were repeated often and loudly enough. Milosevic slouched over, listening, staring at the desk. When I finished he shook his head, 'no.' Perish the thought he should have added to his troubles yet for me it remains a worthy question.

The ICTY's maximum penalty is a life sentence. We didn't talk about the difficulties of coping with prison but I sensed he walked a fine line. "I am not a nationalist," he explained, in a digression that took over an hour. Or, on the subject of why Serbia kept paying Serbs fighting outside Serbia, "It was natural," "an obligation," and only "a minor matter." As the trial moved forward the drama of those conflicting priorities only partially played out.

Ex post facto justice never makes sense. Milosevic may have been guilty of something—indeed, he probably was—but it wasn't genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes. Nor can any court determine the true history of a civil war, no matter its power. With such intellectual fallacies we make a poor exchange, replacing rational human relationships with arbitrary authority—something, in all its guises, genuinely to be feared.

The decent thing would have been to give Milosevic back to Serbia. The prudent thing now would be to pull the plug on the ICTY, before its tainted processes do permanent damage to our sense of justice.

PRAVDA: The Hague tries to conceal reasons of Slobodan Milosevic's death

 


Slobodan Milosevic found dead in his prison cell
03/11/2006 [article] / Opinion / Columnists

Mr. Milosevic was found lying dead on his bed by a guard at the IPC detention centre, where he was taken after being illegally kidnapped by NATO forces in 2001 and where upon arrival, his prosecutor, Carla del Ponte, declared he was guilty even before the trial had begun
More... / Discuss / E-mail
03/11/2006 [article] / World / Europe

For more than a decade as Yugoslavia broke to pieces, Slobodan Milosevic was more than just another political leader. He both voiced and moulded the rise of Serbian nationalism and used the Yugoslav national army to carve out a ‘Greater Serbia’.
More... / Discuss / E-mail
03/06/2006 [article] / Opinion / Columnists

As usual, the West is incapable of looking beyond its nose and as usual, as with the case of Iraq, the West has got it fundamentally wrong. If Kosovo gains independent status, what happens elsewhere and what will the effects of this be in South Ossetia, Chechnya, Daguestan, Ingushetia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Abkhazia in the Caucasus? Or Republika Srpska and the Albanian enclaves throughout the Balkans in Greece, in Serbia, in Montenegro, in Macedonia?
 

THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC�S DEATH

THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC’S DEATH
www.slobodan-milosevic.org

 March 11, 2006

Written by: Andy Wilcoxson

On several occasions prior to his death Milosevic, who suffered from high blood pressure and a heart condition, complained of severe headaches, intense pressure behind his eyes and ears, and ringing in his ears.

In late November 2005 doctors from the Bakulev Medical Center in Moscow traveled to The Hague and examined him. They determined that his condition could be treated, but only if they could administer treatment at their facility in Moscow.

On December 12, 2005 Milosevic asked the tribunal to allow him to receive medical treatment at the Bakulev Medical Center in Moscow.

The tribunal denied his request. They told him that the request was not made properly, and would not be considered unless they received guarantees that he would return to complete his trial.

On January 18, 2006 the Russian Government gave guarantees that Milosevic would be returned to The Hague to complete his trial if he were allowed to be given medical treatment in Moscow.

In spite of the guarantees of the Russian Government, and in spite of Milosevic’s own guarantee that he would return, on February 23, 2006 the trial chamber handed down a ruling denying Milosevic’s request to receive medical treatment in Moscow.

On February 24, 2006 Milosevic announced that he would appeal the tribunal’s decision.

Unfortunately, he did not live long enough to bring the issue before the appeals chamber. On March 11, 2006, Slobodan Milosevic was found dead in his cell at the UN Detention Unit in The Hague.

Responsibility for President Milosevic’s death can most likely be attributed to Mr. Patrick Robinson, Mr. O-Gon Kwon, and Mr. Iain Bonomy. If they had they not prevented him from receiving the medical treatment he needed, then he would probably still be alive.

It was a generally known fact that Milosevic could die without proper medical treatment. In the February 24th trial report I warned that “Denying Milosevic the medical treatment he needs could kill him.â€

Reacting to the tribunal’s decision in a February 24th interview to the Moscow-based Ekho Moskvy Radio, Milosevic’s brother Borislav said, “I do not know whether or not they will poison him but I do not rule this out altogether. I do not rule out that he might be even secretly liquidated. As far as his medical treatment is concerned, their moves do not give any grounds to believe that he is being treated in a fair and humane way. Their decision is negative. Incidentally, as I see the reasons behind the decision, I believe that it is not just inhumane, it simply violates human rights. At issue is an ailing man, a man aged 65. Despite the immaculate validity of the various components of this appeal, of this request, they turned it down.â€

Kwon, Bonomy, and Robinson knew that denying Milosevic medical treatment could cost him his life. Armed with that knowledge, they made a conscious decision that denied him the opportunity to receive the medical treatment he needed -- and now he’s dead.

 

 

March 11, 2006

Milosevic's death casts shadow on war-crimes tribunal

Milosevic's death casts shadow on war-crimes tribunal

Dusan Stojanovic | Belgrade, Serbia-Montenegro 



11 March 2006 06:32

The stock of Slobodan Milosevic had already been rising among Serbs who watched his feisty performances at his war-crimes trial at The Hague.

His death now makes him a martyr -- and brings into serious question Belgrade's future cooperation with the war-crimes tribunal.

A groundswell of emotion in Serbia for the fallen leader known in the West as the "Butcher of Belgrade" would create a political obstacle to handing former Bosnian Serb commander Ratko Mladic, and five other fugitive suspects, over to the tribunal -- just weeks before the deadline for extradition.

Milosevic's death and the suicide last week in prison of convicted former Croatian Serb leader Milan Babic, a star witness in the Milosevic trial, have created the impression in Belgrade of The Hague as a gallows for Serb nationalists -- a place where the West lets them rot away.

"How are they now going to explain to the Serbian public that Milosevic was not severely ill, as he had claimed, and that the Hague jail is safe for the Serbs?" asked political analyst Brace Grubacic.

Milosevic, who suffered from heart problems and high blood pressure, had recently demanded to be temporarily released to go to Moscow for treatment.

But presiding Judge Patrick Robinson refused, ruling that even with Russian guarantees to send him back, the court was "not satisfied ... that the accused, if released, would return for the continuation of his trial".

Ivica Dacic, the caretaker president of Milosevic's Socialist Party, echoed the views of many in Belgrade on Saturday when he said: "Milosevic did not die in The Hague; he was killed in The Hague."

He added that before dying, Milosevic "managed to defend the national and state interests of Serbia and the Serb people, and everybody should be grateful to him for that".

Toma Fila, Milosevic's family lawyer, said: "Milosevic's death will tear to shreds the tribunal's credibility, which has seriously been tarnished already. He is the sixth Serb to die at the hands of this court."

Former Czech foreign minister Jiri Dienstbier, who served as UN special envoy for human rights in Yugoslavia from 1998-2001, said: "I am afraid that his death will be misused by extremists [in Serbia] who will proclaim [Milosevic] a national hero."

Those fears took little time to materialise. The ultranationalist Serbian Radical Party, staunch Milosevic's wartime allies, said in a statement that "after Milosevic's death, nothing will be the same in Serbia".

"The Radical Party promises to the citizens of Serbia that it will no longer tolerate the harassment of the Serbian patriots and their families," citing alleged "harassment" by Serbia's pro-Western President Boris Tadic and Foreign Minister Vuk Draskovic.

Many observers both in Serbia and the West called into question the validity of the Hague war-crimes tribunal for other reasons -- suggesting the chance for a historical reckoning had been lost because the trial was allowed to drag on for years.

Former Swedish prime minister Carl Bildt, who served as the UN special envoy to the Balkans between 1999 and 2001, called Milosevic's death "seriously damaging to The Hague tribunal".

In a written statement to Swedish news agency TT, Bildt said that "despite years of trials we will never have a verdict, and thereby a conclusion regarding important questions of guilt".

Natasa Kandic, a leading human rights activist in Serbia who has provided evidence to the UN war-crimes prosecutors, said Milosevic's death before the end of the trial has caused "historic damage". -- Sapa-AP

http://www.mg.co.za/articlepage.aspx?area=/breaking_news/breaking_news__international_news&articleid=266454


Milosevic Dies in Jail - U.N. Tribunal

Reuters
March 11, 2006

MILOSEVIC DIES IN JAIL - U.N. TRIBUNAL

By Nicola Leske

THE HAGUE (Reuters) - Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic has died,
the U.N. tribunal said on Saturday, just months before his trial for
genocide and war crimes in the Balkans wars in the 1990s was expected to
conclude.

"Milosevic was found lifeless on his bed in his cell at the United Nations
detention unit," the tribunal said in a statement.

"The guard immediately alerted the detention unit officer in command and the
medical officer. The latter confirmed that Slobodan Milosevic was dead."

The U.N. court said the Dutch police and a Dutch coroner were called in and
started an inquiry. A full autopsy and toxicological examination have been
ordered. Milosevic's family has been informed, it added.

A tribunal spokeswoman said she could not comment on the cause of death
until the autopsy was completed, but added: "We have no indication that it
was suicide."

French Foreign Minister Philippe Douste-Blazy told reporters in Salzburg
that Milosevic had died of natural causes.

"I would like to spare a thought for all those who suffered so much from
ethnic cleansing, tens of thousands of men, women and children, which
Milosevic conceived and planned," he said.

Milosevic, 64, suffered a heart condition and high blood pressure which had
repeatedly interrupted his trial in The Hague on charges of genocide, crimes
against humanity and war crimes during the bloody disintegration of
Yugoslavia in the 1990s.

As news of the death swept through the Balkans, an official of Milosevic's
Socialist Party, Zoran Andjelkovic, said: "We expect the tribunal to explain
how was it possible, and why they did not let him have treatment in Russia".

Another Socialist party official, reached on his car phone, said simply:
"They killed him, the bastards."

ILLNESS

Cardiologists treating Milosevic in The Hague had warned he was at risk of a
potentially life threatening condition known as a hypertensive emergency,
when surges in blood pressure can damage the heart, kidneys and central
nervous system.

Last month, the tribunal rejected a request by Milosevic to travel to Russia
for specialist medical treatment, noting that his trial -- that has already
lasted four years -- was in the final stages and he might not return to
complete it.

Milosevic, who was overthrown in 2000 and sent to The Hague in June 2001,
said last month his health was worsening and he was hearing noises in his
head. A lawyer by training, Milosevic was defending himself.

Steven Kay, a lawyer appointed by the tribunal to help Milosevic prepare his
case, said the former Serb strongman had told him a few weeks ago he had no
intention of taking his own life after working so hard to defend himself.

"He knew the risk that he was taking," Kay told BBC television, adding the
pressure of defending himself raised his blood pressure but the case was
expected to wrap up soon.

"There was an end in sight."

Milosevic's brother lives in Russia and prosecutors suspect his wife and son
do too. The prosecution had opposed his release despite a promise by Russia
to return him, fearing he could say his health stopped him from travelling
back to The Hague.

Milosevic had used up more than four-fifths of the 150 days allotted for his
defence, suggesting the case could have been wrapped up in the next few
months barring any new delays. Judges would then need several months to
deliberate before a verdict.

Milosevic was charged with 66 counts of genocide, crimes against humanity
and war crimes in complex indictments covering conflicts in Bosnia, Croatia
and Kosovo in the 1990s. He had declined to enter a plea.

Last week, former rebel Croatian Serb leader Milan Babic committed suicide
at the tribunal's detention centre. Babic had testified against Milosevic
and was in The Hague to appear in the trial of another top Croatian Serb.

(Additional reporting by Douglas Hamilton in Belgrade)

Serbia: Time to Just Say No

http://www.serbianna.com/columns/gordon/001.shtml

 
Serbianna
 
Views & Analysis
 
COMMENTARY
Serbia: Time to Just Say No
By Russell Gordon

March 4, 2006 -- The former Mexican dictator Porfirio Diaz once said "Always tell the Americans yes -- but never say when." If indeed this delaying tactic is the current policy of the Serbian Government in dealing with American demands for the handover of Gen. Ratko Mladic, it is an admirable attempt at reclaiming some vestige of sovereignty. Even the casual observer notes the political nature of the trials at the ICTY in The Hague. However, a few minor policy vacillations hardly recompense for the absence of strategic vision among the Serbian nation for the last 15 years.


The various facets of the Serbian Government must be commended for their attempts to side-step out of the line of fire of American-led regional policy bias. American and Berlin-led policies have indeed wreaked physical and moral destruction upon the remains of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Republika Srpska). But whatever illusions one wishes to view the current scenario under, Serbia is on its knees, and has failed to achieve significant bargaining leeway, perennially out-maneuvered by Washington and their trans-Atlantic minions. The stick has been repeatedly brandished; the carrot forever forthcoming.

Some of Serbia's current acquiescent policies are understandable, taking advantage of opportunities that arise to shift "moral responsibility" for past losses to past leaders and political systems (i.e.-Milosevic and communism). However, many in Serbia have gone to extremes, accepting blame for all alleged crimes in the Balkan wars of succession, and remaining silent about the real crimes committed by the Serbs' adversaries. One journalist who described his Soros-funded media outlet as "independent" demonized those who cast doubt on the exaggerated claims of the Srebrenica issue in an attempt to silence debate. Similarly, Serb writers at Western wire services and "think tanks" have joined in the fray of self-vilification. They have heard the piper, and know the tune. But like the Apaches who turned in Geronimo in return for privilege, yet died with him in the same squalid concentration camp, empire's gauleiters are soon dispensed with when their convenience has outlived utility.

Western "NGO's" such as the American Enterprise Institute, Open Society, European Policy Center, and the International Crisis Group (among others) have continued to rally for the amputation of Serbian territory (in reality, these institutes are often directly linked to the State Department and CIA, making them hardly "non-governmental."). Each step Serbia takes to show flexibility through dialogue is seen as complacency. The result is the expectation among Serbia's regional and trans-Atlantic adversaries that rhetoric aside, Serbia will capitulate to any demand made of her for territorial (or other) concessions.


Audible rumblings have been heard from Washington and Brussels alike on not only Kosovo and Bosnia, but Presevo, Sandzak/Raska, and Vojvodina. No sooner are Washington's Montenegrin jannisaries about to achieve independence, than some in the U.S. Congress called for the annexation of Albanian areas in Montenegro to Kosovo. If this is achieved, little could stop the unification of all Albanian areas from Macedonia to Montenegro, perhaps causing armed conflict to spread into the north of NATO member Greece. After achieving the re-creation of Hitler's territorial division, America would have a compliant Islamist-influenced vassal state (whose narco-mafia terrorists were under their tutelage) to secure their Caucasian oil pipeline through to Vlore.

Much of American policy in Southeast Europe over the last 15 years was motivated by military base relocations, force projection to secure oil supply routes from the Caspian region, and subversion and subjugation of a potentially united rising Europe via NATO. The Serbs exacerbated their losses through an inability to rally their Diaspora as their opponents did, and their bitter historical divisions, since the time of the Ottoman Empire, when Serb jannisaries led Turkish forces against Serbs on the Field of Blackbirds. Indeed, Albanian crime and radical Islamism in Europe may be more than blowback, but rather intended policy. But such forces respect no frontier, and America has already paid for supporting Balkan terrorists. If indicators are born out, 9/11 may be only a prelude.

Serbian mystic Deda Milje is said to have predicted that in coming days "all Serbs will fit under one plum tree." Metaphors aside, unless a unified stance is taken towards national preservation, Belgrade south to Nis may be all that remains of Serbdom. The grand strategist Gregory R. Copley said "No one is [handed] Victory." The question remains of what is to be gained from potentially joining "civil" Europe, a Europe that starved, bombed, and lied - at enormous cost and little promise to the Serbian nation and its future.

March 10, 2006

Serbs reject independent Kosovo

Serbs reject independent Kosovo

Serbs reject independent Kosovo

Serbia's foreign minister has said his country can never accept a fully independent Kosovo, ahead of a meeting of European Union foreign ministers.

The province is still legally part of Serbia and Montenegro - but it has been under UN protection since 1999.

Ministers from Balkan states aspiring to EU membership are at the two-day talks in the Austrian city of Salzburg.

Delegates will also discuss how to keep the Palestinian territories functioning without funding a Hamas-led government.

Both the EU and the US are debating whether to stop donations after the militant group takes over following its election win.

Hamas does not recognise the right of Israel to exist and is regarded by many as a terrorist organisation.

Ministers are also expected to consider:

• The recent Danish cartoon row and ways in which the Christian and Islamic worlds can avoid such clashes in future

• EU policy on Iran in light of the recent referral to the United Nations Security Council over its nuclear activity

• The situation in the Ukraine and the forthcoming elections in Belarus.

However, correspondents say new policies will be thin on the ground as the meeting is informal.

'Humiliation'

Serbia's foreign minister told the BBC he planned to deliver a message to his European counterparts that Serbia could never accept a fully independent Kosovo.

Vuk Draskovic said the result would be a humiliation for Serbia, dangerous for the region and the whole of Europe.

Talks are due to resume about the status of Kosovo, with many in the international community preferring that it becomes a state in its own right.

Mr Draskovic also acknowledged that the Serbian army and police were shielding Bosnian Serb General Ratko Mladic, who is wanted for war crimes at the UN war crimes tribunal in The Hague.

The EU has warned Serbia its talks on closer ties with the Union would be disrupted if it failed to co-operate fully with the tribunal.

http://kosovareport.blogspot.com/2006/03/serbs-reject-independent-kosovo.html

Kosovo media

Rohan: Private messages about independence helped negotiations (Zëri)

Zëri reports that the Deputy Status Envoy Albert Rohan has said in an interview to VOA that the private messages sent to both talking sides by US, British, Italian and German officials that negotiations are likely to lead to independence for Kosovo, have helped the negotiations process. “This was very important because in fact sobered up both sides and moved them away from dreaming and makes them now have a more realistic approach,†said Rohan.

 

He said the first second round of talks between Kosovo and Serbian officials held last month in Vienna went better than expected and that the next meeting scheduled for 17 March will focus on concrete issues of importance to both sides. According to Rohan, these issues are to include decentralization, rights and responsibilities of minorities, religious and cultural sites, division of resources and debts, as well as the future of international presence in Kosovo.

 

Rohan also said that UN envoys and members of the Contact Group are determined to conclude Kosovo status negotiations in 2006. “There were some, especially Kosovo Albanians, that asked for a final settlement by summer of this year. We told them such a demand is not realistic. There were others who asked for negotiations to last for two or three years but this was also not realistic,†Rohan said in the interview.

Serbia and Montenegro: Serbia�Financial System Stability Assessment,

Serbia and Montenegro: Serbiaâ€â€Financial System Stability Assessment,

including Reports on the Observance of Standards and Codes on

the following topics: Monetary and Financial Policy Transparency,

Banking Supervision, and Payment Systems
http://www.reporter.gr/bd/download/xls/IMFreport060308.pdf

''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''
Reporter: Hipol Sale Contract Signed w/Italian Co.
http://news.serbianunity.net/bydate/2006/March_09/16.html

'''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''''

http://www.marketwatch.com/News/Story/Story.aspx?guid=%7B9999DBD1%2D34A4%2D4E4B%2D9646%2D8409C506AD0D%7D&dist=newsfinder&siteid=google&keyword=

MarketWatch



Serbia to sell banks, telecoms, aims for 6% growth

By John W. Miller
Last Update: 3:45 PM ET Mar 9, 2006

BELGRADE (MarketWatch)- Riding a strategy of aggressive privatization,
Serbia expects a 6% gross domestic product growth rate in 2006,
finance minister Mladjan Dinkic told Dow Jones Newswires in an
interview.

Serbia boasts dozens of valuable factories and state-owned companies
despite a decade of sanctions and a bloody civil war. The sectors most
attractive to foreign investors so far have been tobacco factories,
cell phone operators and banks. Both Serbia and tiny Montenegro are
members of the Yugoslav federation, but Montenegro has its own finance
ministry and is preparing to vote on independence this spring.
Serbia faces big challenges, including taming high inflation and
unemployment. It's still a developing country: its an annual gross
domestic product is around EUR25 billion, and the economy is less than
a tenth the size Belgium, which has a similar population. But the
minister says its biggest problems are political, not economic. GDP
growth was 7.2% in 2004 and 6.5% in 2005. The E.U., which has accepted
neighboring Romania and Bulgaria, has refused to begin talks on
Serbia's joining the 25-nation trading bloc until the government in
Belgrade arrests General Ratko Mladic, who is wanted as a suspected
war criminal for the massacre of Muslims in Bosnia in 1995. At
EUR2,750, GDP per capita "is higher than in Romania and Bulgaria,"
Dinkic said. The minister said Serbia will be ready economically to
join the E.U. by 2012, but he's not in a hurry.
"When a country joins the E.U., its wages go up, so we're happy to
have several years to attract foreign companies with low wages," he
said.
Privatization is key to his plans. The biggest interest from foreign
companies has been in banks, Dinkic said. Hyper-inflation during the
Milosevic era triggered a slowdown in banking.
"We became an economy where people put money under their pillow,"said Dinkic.
With peace and more stability, that is now changing. Serbs now have
EUR2.3 billion in savings, and that figure is growing by EUR100
million a month, Dinkic said. Banks are issuing 30 times more loans
than in 2001. Serbia now has 3.8 million credit cards.
Foreign banks have helped restore faith in credit. Serbia last year
sold Jubanka to Greece's Alpha Bank (ALPHA.AT) for EUR152 million, and
currently has three other banks on the table, including the biggest
domestic player, Vojvodkanska.
An Austrian bank, Raiffeisen International Bank Holdins (RIBH.VI), is
the market leader in Serbia. The premiums for former state-owned banks
are rising, Dinkic said. He expects a 6-to-1 price-to-asset ratio.
The government has already sold off two tobacco factories, to Philip
Morris, owned by Altria Group Inc. (MO), and British American Tobacco
PLC (BTI). Japan Tobacco International (2914.TO) is paying EUR25
million for another factory.
Serbia attracted them by locking in low excise taxes until 2011,
Dinkic said. Real taxes on cigarettes in Serbia are only 30% of cost.
A pack of Marlboros costs only EUR1.25 in Belgrade, a quarter the rate
in most Western European countries. Serbia is also selling off
mobile-phone operator Mobtel. After seizing the company from tycoon
and Milosevic ally Bogoljub Karic, and charging him with bribery and
embezzlement, Serbia is set to float the company in April, Dinkic
said.
The starting price will be EUR700 million. The government will receive
82%, and the rest will go to Austrian entrepreneur Martin Schlaff, who
bought a stake last year.
"This will be a test" for Serbia's privatization process and the
establishment of rule of law, Dinkic said. He praises the Austrian
government and Austrian banks "for helping us do the deal".
After selling off banks, cell phone and cigarette companies, Serbia
will privatize energy assets by autumn, including the national oil
company, Dinkic said.
In 2007, Dinkic says, the government will unload an insurance company.
But not every state industry will bring in cash. Some factories, like
the Zastra car complex, are inefficient and won't find buyers, Dinkic
said. "No company will take that for free."
The economy's biggest problem is inflation. Prices rose 13.7% in 2004
and 17.7% in 2005. Even though Dinkic forecasts inflation at under 10%
in 2006, he acknowledges that "Serbia is in transition so prices of
services are going up" from the deflated levels of the past.
Part of the problem is that there isn't enough competition in retail
trade, he said.
Still the current inflation is a far cry from the early 1990s, when
the government had to print bank notes worth 500 billion dinars. To
keep prices under control and back the currency, the government will
continue a strategy of aggressive spending cuts, Dinkic said.
Serbia ran a 1% surplus in 2005, down from a 4% deficit in 2004,
thanks mostly to a new 18% value added tax, which now accounts for
half of its revenue, or EUR2.5 billion. The debt has been cut to 44%
from 170% five years ago.
As the government cuts costs and privatizes industries, Dinkic expects
19% unemployment to remain a problem. He argues the problem is normal
for a country in transition.
"Flexibility of labor is very low," he explains. "People want one job
for life." He defends closing down factories. "You can't force people
to buy something they don't want."

-Contact: 201-938-5400

                                   Serbian News Network - SNN

                                        news@antic.org

                                    http://www.antic.org/

State Department: There are problems with minority rights inKosovo (Beta)

 

 

State Department: There are problems with minority rights in Kosovo (Beta)

 

Minorities in Kosovo, above all Serbs and Roma, are discriminated, although the situation has improved over the past year, reads the US State Department report on human rights in the SCG for 2005. The houses of Serbs are set on fire and in some cases, the Albanian majority is trying to expel Serbs by force, it is stressed in the document. Speaking of education and healthcare, it has been assessed that Serbs are discriminated in that field as well, and that there is no progress regarding the cases of ethnic violence against Serbs. It is also stressed that few of the IDPs that fled to central SCG after the conflicts in 1999 have returned to Kosovo. The reason for that is the uncertain final status of Kosovo, fear for safety and property issues, the State Department believes. An especially serious problem in Kosovo is sexual abuse of children, minors and women and there is proof that international and local officials are also involved in human trafficking, the statement reads

 

March 06, 2006

There is great danger in Kosovo

 
The Sofia Echo
 
 
FROM THE EDITOR: Kosovo
09:00 Mon 06 Mar 2006
 

There is great danger in Kosovo.

The danger is not just a physical one, however fundamental that danger is. Because there has been no major eruption of violence for about two years, many who do not keep a close eye on the situation in the troubled territory may believe that the status quo is an enabling environment for peace. This view is mistaken. None of the profound issues within Kosovo have been solved. The lid is being held on the situation by the international community. While a form of peace is being maintained by foreign military and police forces, a range of issues are quietly festering. An obvious issue is that of the future status of Kosovo. Another is the question of the rights of ethnic minorities within the territory. Further, the situations with regard to under-development and poverty, and human rights, may have worsened rather than improved, notwithstanding the holding action and the monitoring by the international community.

There can be no question that there is a certain urgency to resolving the question of the future status of Kosovo. Yet, as the opening episodes of the current process of consultations and negotiations have shown, there can be no prospect of the situation ever becoming less complex. Nor is the situation assisted by the fact that the two principal parties - those connected to the Serbian community, and the Albanian ethnic majority in Kosovo - have mutually exclusive positions. Serbia has vowed never to sign off on independence for Kosovo; the Albanian Kosovars will accept nothing less.

These are what may be termed the internal dangers for Kosovo; that a continuation of the status quo, or failure of the negotiations process, will unleash a new round of violence from which no victors may emerge.

Yet, there is a broader issue, and a broader danger. The future of Europe is linked to the future of Kosovo, and similarly troubled territories. Within the current process of political and diplomatic engagements, it may reasonably be expected that the European Union should play a leading role. This is a major challenge to the EU, and raises, in a way different to the debate about EU expansion, the deeper question about “what kind of Europe?” The parameters that have applied to the process of EU expansion thus far, including the EU’s engagements with Bulgaria and Romania, cannot be applied in the same way. The most constructive level of engagement possible on the part of the EU will be required to ensure a European future for Kosovo. If it is accepted that the EU accepts as members those states that are functioning according to the criteria for accession, a special effort will be required to ensure a European future for the people of Kosovo, who are and always will be Europeans in the geographical sense, whatever the outcome of the status talks.

What role can there, and should there, be for Bulgaria? This country thus far has been careful to emphasise that it cannot and will not play the role of mediator, and nor will it put forward a solution that is separate to that emerging from the process in which the United Nations and the European Union, among others, are engaged. However, if it is true that Bulgaria is viewed as a good neighbour both by those in Belgrade and in Pristina, while being viewed as a partner of European leaders in Brussels, Bulgaria can do much to keep alive the rounds of negotiations. As much diplomatic energy as is available should be dedicated to this. To help keep the process on track, including by fully supporting efforts by the UN, EU and the US to keep the parties at the negotiating table and steering them towards genuine progress, would be fully justified, for the sake of all the people of Kosovo, for the Balkans and the South East European region, and for Europe as a whole.

 

Carlita's Way

["We want to bring justice and reconciliation to the former Yugoslavia," ]
 
 
from the March 06, 2006 edition - http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/0306/p06s02-woeu.html

A nation on trial for its past

Serbia and Montenegro may become the first country to be found guilty of genocide.

By Peter Ford and Beth Kampschror

PARIS AND SKOPJE, MACEDONIA - Serbia and Montenegro, already struggling to find its place in Europe, risks becoming the first state ever to be formally branded genocidal, as judges at the World Bank last week began hearing arguments in a Bosnian lawsuit over crimes committed during the war in the early 1990s.

The case could make Serbia, as the successor state to Yugoslavia, liable for tens of billions of dollars in reparations. But Bosnian Muslims say the suit's importance lies elsewhere, in creating an accurate and unchallengeable account of the conflict, which continues to poison regional politics.

"For our future, to have clean relations with our neighbors, we need to have a clear vision of our past and our future," says Sakib Softic, the lead Bosnian lawyer at the World Court in The Hague. "The international court has the authority, with its judgment, to finish up these questions from our past and move on toward the future."

While another international court in The Hague is trying individuals - including former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic - for war crimes, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), as the World Court is officially known, hears cases between states.

Bosnia must prove to the court not only that genocide occurred, through the policy of "ethnic cleansing," but that the Bosnian Serb militias committing it did so on the orders of Yugoslav government officials, and with their support.

The Bosnian side "seeks to establish responsibility of a state which, through its leadership and through its organs, committed the most brutal violations of ... the most sacred instruments of international law," Mr. Softic told the 16-judge panel in his opening statement last week.

When they present their oral arguments this week, Serbia's lawyers are expected to argue that the court has no jurisdiction over the case because when it was brought in 1993, the former Republic of Yugoslavia was not clearly recognized as a member of the United Nations, and thus not of the ICJ either.

It was on those grounds that in 2004 the court dismissed a suit filed by Serbia and Montenegro against the US-led bombing of Serbia during the 1999 Kosovo war.

Serbia's lawyers are also expected to argue that however horrific the crimes committed in Bosnia by Bosnian Serb forces, such as the massacre of more than 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys near Srebrenica, the authorities in Belgrade were not responsible for them.

The case will challenge the ICJ, which is more accustomed to dealing with reconciling territorial claims in boundary disputes between nations. "This is a very, very political affair, and the decision will be a grave one," says Emmanuel Decaux, an international law professor at the University of Paris II.

In the field of international humanitarian law, the ICJ has been overshadowed by ad hoc war-crimes tribunals like those set up in The Hague to try cases arising from the Balkan wars, and in Arusha, Tanzania, to deal with those responsible for the Rwandan genocide, and by the recently created International Criminal Court, which has yet to hear a case.

"We are in the process of creating the architecture of international accountability for human rights violations," says Nicholas Howen, head of the Geneva-based International Commission of Jurists. "You need to hold individuals responsible, but there is a big gap if you can't say the machinery of a state is responsible, too."

The court's judgment, not expected until late this year, is eagerly awaited in Bosnia-Herzegovina. "I expect the court ... to give a good decision and say that Serbia is guilty," says Refik Begic, the Muslim mayor of Bratunac, a majority Serb town in eastern Bosnia. "If we are to trust each other and establish a good relationship, we need to know what happened here."

Serbian leaders, however, say that raking over the coals of the past will be bad for the future. The lawsuit could have "dramatically negative effects on future relations in the Balkans," Serbia's deputy prime minister, Miroljub Labus, told Nezavisne Novine, a newspaper published in Bosnia-Herzegovina's Serb-dominated Republika Srpska.

But in a region divided as much as anything by opposing memories and interpretations of what happened during the war "this [case] is about establishing the nature of the war, whether it was aggression or whether it was civil war," says Nerma Jelacic, a human rights investigator in Sarajevo.

The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), where Mr. Milosevic is on trial, has already ruled that genocide did occur in Bosnia. Although the ICJ is not bound by that precedent, "it would be very troubling, and troublesome for the coherence of international justice" if the ICJ judges find otherwise, says Professor Decaux.

It will not be easy, however, for the Bosnian side to establish the Yugoslav government's responsibility for the war crimes its proxy forces committed. Prosecutors at the ICTY have sometimes had trouble proving all the links in alleged chains of command between the battlefields and Belgrade, and Bosnian lawyers at the World Court will not be able to use all the evidence presented at the ICTY, some of which Belgrade provided only on the condition it not be released to third parties.

The hearings will continue until May 9, when the judges will retire to consider what they have heard, along with thousands of pages of legal arguments. That is expected to take several months. The case was first brought in 1993, and has been prolonged by repeated procedural incidents and political upheavals in Belgrade.

But rather than blunting the impact of the judgment, the long delay might actually give it greater force, suggests Mr. Howen. "It shows the timeless nature of the crimes, the timeless need for accountability, and the timeless nature of the law," he says.

**********

http://www.usip.org/peacewatch/pdf/pw0106.pdf


US Institute of Peace (USIP)


Peace Watch-January/February 2006


Building for Peace


Carla Del Ponte's Quest for Justice


Chief prosecutor says the job is not yet done

With the tenth anniversary of the Srebenica
massacre approaching in July and two of the most
wanted individuals, Ratko Mladic and Radovan
Karadzic, still at large, the Balkans Working Group, headed
by Daniel Serwer, hosted a meeting in mid-June featuring
Carla Del Ponte, the chief prosecutor of the International
Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Del
Ponte arrived shortly after the widespread distribution in
Serbia of a shocking video of a mass execution of Bosnian
Muslim men by Serbian paramilitary forces in 1995. "There
can no longer be any doubt that a genocide occurred in Srebenica,"
said the prosecutor. "The tide has now turned, but
the job is not yet done."
Del Ponte noted that cooperation between the ICTY and the
authorities in the Balkans had increased dramatically in the previous
six months. A score of indictees were transferred to The
Hague, including the former prime minister of Kosovo. International
pressure from Europe and the United States played a major
role in this transformation, said Del Ponte-as did the Serb and
Croat desire to begin discussions about acceding to the European
Union.
But some significant obstacles remain. The fact that the two
most wanted men are still at-large ten years after Srebenica is "an
insult to the victims and a shame to the international community"
said Del Ponte. Serbia and Republika Srpska must act in concert
with the international community to locate and arrest these two
men, who have been indicted by the ICTY on charges of genocide
and other crimes against humanity. (The ICTY itself has no
powers of arrest.)
The tribunal is accelerating its work in order to finish all the
trials by 2008 and all appeals by 2010. It is also slowly countering
government propaganda, especially in Serbia, that it is engaged in
selective and biased prosecutions. The ICTY now has 162 individuals
under indictment for war crimes, crimes against humanity,
and genocide. "We want to bring justice and reconciliation to the
former Yugoslavia," said Del Ponte. "If the need for justice is not
satisfied, then the next generation may want to render justice with
blood, tears, and weapons."




March 04, 2006

Kosovo Albanian accuses US diplomats of political sacking

United States of Albania
 
 
Kosovo Albanian accuses US diplomats of political sacking
 
 
Serbians Demand Intervention to Prevent Guerrilla Leader's Election in Kosovo
 
 
 
Strategic Forecasting -Stratfor

Kosovo: The Quiet Support Behind Ceku's Political Rise
March 03, 2006 19 40  GMT


Summary

Kosovar Lt. Gen. Agim Ceku appears poised to become prime minister after President Fatmir Sejdiu asked him to assume the role March 2, one day after Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi resigned. Although Ceku's guerrilla background worries Serbia and some other European countries, Kosovo's political leadership and the United States are ready for Ceku's ascension to power.

Analysis

Kosovo's newly elected President Fatmir Sejdiu asked Lt. Gen. Agim Ceku to become prime minister March 2, one day after Prime Minister Bajram Kosumi resigned during a government shake-up. Ceku, a former Kosovo Liberation Army guerrilla leader and current head of Kosovo's Protection Corps, is a controversial figure. He has been accused of masterminding at least two massacres of Serbs during the Kosovo war. He is also allegedly involved in organized crime.

So why would a former guerrilla with no previous political affiliation suddenly skyrocket to power? Ceku is considered a hero in Kosovo and is known for his effective leadership style. He also has never openly sided with one political party until now. More importantly, Ceku has quiet support from the United States. Ceku cooperated with NATO and Washington in 1999 and 2000 in the last stages of the Kosovo war. As a result, the United States has intervened more than once to prevent Ceku's indictment by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia at The Hague.

For the United States, which has significant influence in Kosovo, Ceku is a known quantity. Kosumi was not. Kosumi was a student activist and teacher, which meant Washington could do little to pressure him. Kosumi even received criticism from U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan for failing to implement required changes, including filling all government positions. This led Kosumi's Alliance for the Future of Kosovo party to press for his resignation after he failed to comply with international protocol. U.S. military leaders likely know a great deal, both good and bad, about Ceku and can take some comfort in NATO's ability to influence him.

European leaders said March 2 they will withhold judgment on Ceku until after he assumes power. Europe's capitals intend to see how well he abides by human rights agreements, which means Brussels will be watching to see how many Serbs die or are run out of Kosovo after Ceku becomes prime minister.

The ministerial substitution comes during a delicate period between the first and second rounds of U.N.-mediated talks between Kosovar Albanians and Serbians regarding Kosovo's status. The United Nations, which has administered the province since 1999, believes Kosovo will gain independence by the end of 2006. However, Ceku's sudden appearance on the political scene will exasperate Serbia, because Belgrade considers him a war criminal. Ceku's possible appointment seems to be a slap in the face for Serbia, but that will matter little if the U.S. and Kosovar political leadership want Ceku in a position of power.

Related Headlines
Kosovo: The Power Struggle After Rugova's Death
Feb 01, 2006
Kosovo: The President and the Militant
Feb 10, 2006
Geopolitical Diary: Kosovo and the Implications of Independence
Feb 22, 2006

 
.............................
 
 
 
Gray Falcon
 
Friday, March 03, 2006

Our Man Agim



Prologue: Tuesday afternoon I received a phone call from a friend in Washington, who told me of information from a trusted source that Bajram Kosumi, "Prime minister" of the provisional Albanian government of occupied Kosovo, will be forced to resign and replaced by than Agim Ceku. "Can they do that?" my friend asked. "Sure they can, " I replied. "They are the Empire, and Kosumi is a satellite; they can do anythingin Kosovo." Well, except protect non-Albanians, their property and culture, anyway - but why belabor the obvious?

On Wednesday, Reuters reported that Kosovo PM Bajram Kosumi resigned from office, "under pressure" from "Western mentor states shepherding the U.N.-run Serbian province through talks that could lead to its independence." UN's viceroy and steadfast partisan of the Albanian cause, Soeren Jessen-Petersen, commented: "...we want to support Kosovo, but at the same time we want the leaders and the people to work very, very hard to earn that which they want to see in Kosovo."

(Handy translation note: We = Empire; Kosovo = Albanians. Carry on.)

And sure enough, Kosumi's successor is Agim Ceku, the butcher of Krajina and the highest-ranking "military" commander of the terrorist KLA (Hashim "Snake" Thaci was its political leader). He is a natural choice to fill the shoes of Ramush "Golden Boy" Haradinaj, another KLA veteran who resigned as Prime Minister last March to face charges before the Hague Inqusition - which promptly released him and sent him back to Kosovo. Writes Chris Deliso of Balkanalysis.com:

There's certainly no one as good as Ceku at removing "unnecessary delays," especially if it involves removing unnecessary populations.


So let's review here. First Bush II adopts a Balkans policy strategy written by the Clintonites, which amounts to secession of Kosovo, secession of Montenegro, a Muslim-dominated centralized Bosnia and preferably the smallest, weakest Serbia imaginable. Then Kai Eide, the Whitewasher of March, greenlights the final-status talks despite the UN standards (from "standards before status") manifestly nowhere near being met. Then Martti Ahtisaari, who was instrumental in tricking Belgrade to sign a truce in 1999 that NATO interpreted as unconditional surrender of Kosovo, and who then joined the Serbophobic and pro-Albanian ICG, is chosen to chair the negotiations. Then, following the death and beatification of Ibrahim Rugova, American and UK diplomats openly declare that independence of "Kosova" is inevitable, and Belgrade should deal with it. Now the "international community" shows the precise extent to which it controls the Kosovo Albanians, by forcing their top officials (Nexhat Daci, speaker of the Albanian parliament, was also forced to resign) out to make way for their KLA pets.

Despite his involvement in the deliberate slaughter of Serb civilians in present-day Croatia (for which the Inquisition has hounded his immediate superior, Ante Gotovina), Ceku not only didn't get indicted, he was put on UN payroll as commander of the "Kosovo Protection Corps," a sinecure for KLA veterans established after the occupation. When Ceku was arrested on a stopover in Slovenia, on a perfectly valid and legal Interpol warrant based on criminal charges in Serbia, he was bailed out by Viceroy Harri Holkeri who declared that "Serbia-Montenegro no longer had jurisdiction over the citizens [sic] of Kosovo." Holkeri displayed no such decisiveness during the Albanian Kristallnacht a few months later, hiding instead with the best of the rabbits.

After all this, can anyone in Belgrade who still has even a single functioning brain cell honestly believe that the "international community" (i.e. Washington, Brussels and satellites) has anything but an Albanian "Kosova" in mind? There is no doubt about it any more.

The plot to separate Kosovo from Serbia de jure as well as de facto should be the primary concern of whoever heads the government in Belgrade. Not chasing Ratko Mladic, or negotiating the possibility of a theoretical consideration of a promise to maybe negotiate the notion of eventualkly entering the EU - the preservation of Serbia's territorial integrity, here and now. Acquiescing to the "independence" of "Kosova" is treason. Trouble is, these days treason is trendy in Belgrade. It's progressive, civilized, "democratic" even...

March 02, 2006

UK politician: "Spread of US influence" reason for NATO bombing of Yugoslavia

 
 
UK politician: "Spread of US influence" reason for NATO bombing of Yugoslavia
March 01, 2006
YU

Excerpt from report by Serbian independent news agency FoNet

The Hague, 1 March: A defence witness for [former Serbian and Yugoslav President] Slobodan Milosevic at the Hague tribunal, Alice Mann, said today at the trial that there had been no humanitarian disaster in Kosovo, adding that the [former US diplomat] William Walker had stage-managed an incident in Racak village [in March 1999, used as a pretext for bombing].

Mann, who was the chairwoman of the British Parliamentary Committee for Peace in the Balkans and a Labour MP in the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, said that "even those who bombed Yugoslavia knew that the Kosovo Liberation Army (OVK) [UCK in Albanian] had been an organized force. My experience taught me that as soon as fighting began civilians started moving out of the scene".

She accused William Walker, former chief of the Kosovo Verification Mission on the eve of the NATO aggression against Yugoslavia, saying that he had stage-managed an incident in Racak village in January 1999 when a large number of [ethnic] Albanians had been killed".

According to her, the CIA had infiltrated verifiers into Kosovo, organizing the training of OVK members.

"We should not have destroyed a country based on what Walker said," Mann added.

Asked how she found out whether Kosovo Albanians had started to leave the province, the witness replied: "Shortly before the bombing, the foreign secretary [Robin Cook] and the prime minister [Tony Blair] gave statements, and the facts also spoke for themselves. The mass movement of Albanians from Kosovo began after the bombing, which is understandable, because they were leaving in fear for their lives".

"Did your prime minister speak the truth or not?" Milosevic asked his 53rd witness, but the presiding judge, Patrick Robinson, did not allow Mann to reply to this question.

Robinson assessed as irrelevant Milosevic's question whether the witness had attempted to organize a vote in her country over Great Britain's participation in the bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999.

"I thought and I still think that NATO's attack against Yugoslavia were counter-legal," Mann said.

"What was the real reason for the bombing?" Milosevic asked.

"I think that the reason was purely political, being the spread of US influence in the region. I think that it was also linked to the breaking up of Yugoslavia. The Americans had already intervened in Krajina [region in Croatia contested between the Croatian authorities and Serb minority in Knin until 1995], they had already trained KLA [UCK] guerrillas. It was only a matter of time when the bombing would start. Bill Clinton was in trouble over domestic policy issues, just as the US prepared for war in Iraq. The USA now has a military base in Kosovo and their bases are everywhere in the world wherever interests oppose their own," Mann responded. [Passage omitted]

The trial continues.

Source: BBC Monitoring / FoNet news agency, Belgrade

http://www.csees.net

War Criminal, Ally, or Both?

 

 

 

["Well, I have always made it clear ... thatNATO has nodirect contacts with the KLA*," answered Shea. "Who they appoint as their leaders, that is entirely their own affair. ]

 

*video proves the opposite Mr Shea!

 

 

·  Mother Jones

 

War Criminal, Ally, or Both?

The KLA's new leader, Agim Ceku, may have helped mastermind the most brutal ethnic-cleansing campaign in post-communist Yugoslavia's history. Now he's on NATO's side in the war over Kosovo.

by Jeffrey Benner
May 21, 1999

 

The Kosova Liberation Army (KLA)'s new chief of staff, Agim Ceku, has been linked to two of the grisliest episodes of brutality in the ongoing war in the former Yugoslavia, perhaps even worse than the current Serb campaign against ethnic Albanians. Now he's on NATO's side in the war for Kosovo. Who is this man, and why is NATO making excuses on his behalf?

Ceku joined the newly formed Croatian military (HV) in 1991 during that region's effort to secede from Yugoslavia. He quickly rose to the rank of brigadier general, and retired last February. Though it sounds lifted from a résumé, a short description of Ceku in Jane's Defense Weeklycredits him with helping to orchestrate Operation Storm and the Medak offensive, which involved the cleansing of ethnic Serbs from the Krajina region of Croatia, the deliberate shelling of civilians, rape, and systematic arson.

According to Jane's, "in 1993 Ceku masterminded the successful HV offensive at Medak, and in 1995 was one of the key planners of the successful 'Operation Storm,' in which the HV quickly defeated [its] Serb opponents."

Ceku also has some well-placed references to go along with that résumé: An unnamed retired U.S. military official told Jane's, "We were impressed by [Ceku's] overview of the battleground and the ability to always predict his enemy's next move."

In Operation Storm, a four-day offensive in August of 1995, the Croatian army regained control of the Krajina region, which was primarily inhabited by ethnic Serbs. Many analysts say Operation Storm was undertaken with the tacit approval of the West, and perhaps even with the assistance of U.S. military advisers (much the same way it is reportedly advising the KLA in Kosovo).

According to an Amnesty International report, "Croatia: Impunity for killings after 'Storm,'" nearly the entire ethnic Serbian population of the region, estimated to be at least 180,000 people, fled in face of the attack. Hundreds of civilians were murdered, most of the victims being elderly and disabled persons who were unable to flee. The report estimates that 5,000 structures were torched by the advancing Croatian army.

According to The New York Times, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia has determined that war crimes were indeed committed during Operation Storm. In a March 21, 1999 article, the Times revealed an unpublished report produced by the Tribunal. Among the report's assertions: "During the course of the military offensive, the Croatian armed forces and special police committed numerous violations of international humanitarian law."

The Medak offensive in 1993, which Jane's credits Ceku with "masterminding," is also known as the "Medak massacre." While the name may not ring a bell for most readers in the U.S., it is remembered in Canada as that nation's largest military action since the Korean War. According to the book, Tested Mettle, Canadian peacekeepers in the "Medak Pocket" engaged Croatian soldiers in a firefight to stop them from terrorizing Serbian civilians. Four Canadians were wounded in the battle, which left nearly 30 Croatian soldiers dead.

Excerpts of the book's account of the fighting at Medak were published in newspapers across Canada last November. Atrocities witnessed by Canadian soldiers are described in detail. "A drunken Croat soldier emerged from a building and staggered toward [a Canadian soldier]," begins one section. "A girl could be heard screaming inside the house. Draped on the drunken soldier's head was a pair of blood-soaked panties."

While details about his role in such horrors remain unconfirmed, the mere mention of Ceku's possible connection to war crimes is enough to put NATO on the defensive, especially since the U.S. has been linked with him in the past. During the May 14 NATO press briefing, a reporter asked Jamie Shea to comment on reports of Ceku's involvement in ethnic cleansing while he was serving in the Croatian military.

"Well, I have always made it clear ... that NATO has no direct contacts with the KLA," answered Shea. "Who they appoint as their leaders, that is entirely their own affair. I don't have any comment on that whatever."

However, unable to restrain himself, Shea did comment. Using a laughable chain of reasoning, he lay the blame for NATO's association with the KLA at the feet of their mutual arch enemy, Milosevic. "If Milosevic had not started a policy of brutality in Kosovo some years ago, the KLA would never have existed." Shea said. "It is a very recent creation, and it is a creation of Belgrade, first and foremost."

Chillingly, Shea went on to imply that the Krajina atrocities during Operation Storm were a case of the Serbs getting what they deserved. "When you spoke about the Serbs who were driven from the Krajina, this is absolutely true," he admitted. "But as somebody who remembers these events particularly well, do not forget that there were many, many Croats who were persecuted and also driven from their homes in that part of the world, when the Yugoslav national army moved there in 1991."

In fact, this sort of response from a Western official regarding atrocities committed by the Croatian army is hardly new. The West has long seen Croatia as a valuable ally against Milosevic, so misdeeds by the Croatian military have been downplayed by Western European and U.S. officials. According to the Times, American lawyers hired by the Pentagon argued at the International Criminal Tribunal against indicting the Croatian generals who led Operation Storm. The lawyers argued that only legitimate military targets were shelled during the attack.

The following assessment, printed in the August 22, 1995 edition of The Washington Post, still rings true:

"In the battle for international public opinion, Croatia has so far escaped serious criticism for Operation Storm despite increasing evidence of shootings of civilians and officially sanctioned arson of many Serb houses in the Krajina [region]. International attention has focused on rebel Serbs, who are being charged with digging mass graves near Srebrenica -- a U.N. 'safe area' in Bosnia that fell to a combined Yugoslav-Bosnian Serb assault in July."

While the Krajina battle is often cited as the turning point which brought opposing parties to the negotiating table in 1995, for Ceku it served as inspiration to make war. According to a BBC translation of a May 14 Croatian news report, Ceku issued a statement saying: "There is only one way out. And we have advocated it from the very beginning: a final defeat of the Serbian army and its expulsion from Kosovo; a defeat similar to the one they [the Yugoslav army] suffered in Croatia."

More Kosovo Coverage from the MoJo Wire