March 16, 2006

MILOSEVIC'S DEATH: A Political Assassination Blamed on the Victim

 


MILOSEVIC'S DEATH: A POLITICAL ASSASSINATION BLAMED ON THE
VICTIM

By Sara Flounders
Co-Director, International Action Center

In the summer of 2004 I met with former Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic in Scheveningen prison when I was
approved as a defense witness. Before I could get in, I
had to pass four totally separate check points, unable to
take in anything but papers. Each level of security was
more rigid than the one before.

No one who has met with President Milosevic over the past
four years would believe he would risk killing himself
rather than finishing his trial. And no one who visited
Scheveningen in The Hague would believe the outlandish
claims that somehow he was able to smuggle in
un-prescribed medications on a regular basis. They would
instead suspect that the authorities were desperately
trying to cover up their own crimes.

My role as witness was based on my trip to Yugoslavia in
the spring of 1999, during the 78-day U.S./NATO bombing. I
visited bombed schools, hospitals, heating plants and
market places, recording the harm done to civilians. In
addition, I had written since 1993 on the
behind-the-scenes U.S. role in the strangulation and
forced dismemberment of Yugoslavia.

Even after my name was accepted as a defense witness, it
was a complicated and lengthy procedure to make the visit.
Though all was approved on the day of the visit, it still
took four hours to get through the checkpoints into the
special unit inside the prison where the defendants for
the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former
Yugoslavia (ICTY) were kept totally segregated from
general population and closely monitored.

Scheveningen prison is a maximum-security high-tech
facility. Milosevic and other indicted prisoners are
housed in a special prison unit within the larger prison.
This section is spread over four floors with 12 cells
each. The unit is specially patrolled by United Nations
guards. Cameras are everywhere. Every movement of the
prisoners is monitored and controlled. When the president
was first placed in his cell, lights were kept on 24 hours
a day and every motion was monitored.

WHERE DID RIFAMPICIN COME FROM?

Now the Dutch authorities claim that Milosevic was taking
a rare, difficult-to-acquire antibiotic used to treat
leprosy or tuberculosis that has the unique ability to
counteract the medicine he was taking to control his high
blood pressure. How did this medicine, rifampicin, get
into Milosevic's system? He was held in a maximum security
prison in triple lock down in a special contained unit
within a larger Dutch prison once used by the Nazis to
detain Dutch resistance fighters.

When rifampicin was found last Jan. 12 in Milosevic's
blood, the ICTY kept the report of the blood tests secret,
even from Milosevic and his doctors, who were complaining
that something terribly wrong was damaging the defendant's
health. While the prisoner and his defense committee and
assistant lawyers were demanding health information, the
ICTY officials sat on this report. If ICTY officials
responsible for Milosevic's health really believed he was
sneaking toxic medications into the prison, why hadn't
they publicized this report much earlier?

DELAYS HURT MILOSEVIC

Equally outlandish are the claims that Milosevic staged
his illness to delay the trial. The prosecution delayed
the trial, first by adding charges against the president
regarding Croatia and Bosnia when they realized they had
no war-crimes case on the original Kosovo charges, then by
bringing hundreds of witnesses to generate 500,000 pages
of prosecution testimony from February 2002 to February
2004.

Each time Milosevic was too sick to continue in court, the
prosecution moved to impose counsel and to take away the
prisoner's right to present his own defense. Milosevic was
determined to use the trial as a platform to defend not
only himself but the people of Yugoslavia, and to indict
the U.S., Germany and the NATO powers for their role in
the criminal destruction of his country. He welcomed the
trial as the only platform where he could make the
historical record. In his words to the court he constantly
described why, despite his bad health, he was determined
to continue.

When I met Milosevic it was in the special room that was
the only place where the ICTY allowed him to work or have
the court papers to prepare for his defense. Whenever his
blood pressure rose and he was unable to continue the
court sessions, he was also barred from any access to his
defense materials.

During each step of the trial Milosevic's cardiovascular
problems, especially his high blood pressure had resulted
in several delays in the trial. At each step the ICTY
officials tried to use the issue of his health in constant
efforts to deny him the right to conduct his own defense.
Neither the illness nor the delays helped his defense.

The ICTY charged that Milosevic was secretly medicating
himself and avoiding taking prescribed medicines.
Milosevic answered this charge himself for the court
record on Sept. 1, 2004: "You probably don't know the
practice in your own Detention Unit. I take my medication
in the presence of guards. I'm given them. I take them in
the presence of the guard, and the guard writes down in
the book the exact time when I ingested those medicines."

Despite the life-threatening cardiovascular risk raised in
every dispute with the prosecution, tribunal officials
refused even to secure regular check-ups of the
president's health condition. They also denied access for
months to specialists who were willing to come to
Scheveningen, delaying his care.

The president's own explanation of his problem was more
consistent and credible than the ICTY's. In a letter
addressed to the Russian Embassy two days before he died,
Milosevic writes that he has taken no antibiotics in more
than four years. He asks why the medical report on the
discovery of rifampicin was kept secret from him for
almost two months. He writes that he believes that "active
steps are being taken to destroy my health." He warns that
he is sure he is being poisoned and that his life is in
danger.

A POLITICAL TRIBUNAL

The ICTY's handling of President Milosevic's death has
been like its handling of the entire trial: an attempt to
blame the victim for the crime.

The ICTY is not a real international court, with the
ability to try any accused war criminal. It is a political
court set up by the UN Security Council at the insistence
of Secretary of State Madeline Albright in 1993 in
violation of the UN Charter. Its scope is limited to
trying the peoples of the former Yugoslavia and the vast
majority of prisoners are Serbs. It is a propaganda
apparatus and internment camp for political prisoners
disguised as an unbiased court. It aims to punish the
victims for the crimes committed against them and to
absolve the imperialist powers who invaded, bombed,
dismembered and forced the privatization of the Socialist
Federation of Yugoslavia.

When Milosevic discussed the trial with me, his scope of
historical knowledge, his energy despite his illness, cut
through my own jet-lag and fatigue from the four-hour
entrance hurdle and allowed us to finish the interview
with enthusiasm for the next step of the tribunal.

Now the world is asked to believe that Milosevic is
responsible for his own death. It is a scenario so
incredibly complex, an elaborate suicide story that is as
improbable as the charges he was facing. The
bought-and-paid-for corporate media is accepting and
propagating the story of his death in the same servile
fashion they accepted the very existence of this illegal
court and the justification for the destruction of
Yugoslavia.

Milosevic is now gone. But his summation answering two
years of the prosecution case and his opening defense
speech live on. He has left a ringing indictment of U.S.
and European big-power intervention in the Balkans in a
historic document in an "I accuse" format. His speech,
which contains extensive documentation and factual detail,
has been published in Serbian, Greek, French, Russian and
English. This response, "The Defense Speaks-for History
and the Future," (IAC 2006) will stand long after the
tawdry war propaganda has collapsed.

Russia: Milosevic's Death Sparks Fury With UN Tribunal


Russia: Milosevic's Death Sparks Fury With UN Tribunal
By Claire Bigg
 
Milosevic's wife, Mira Markovic, lives in Russia
(epa)

The lower house of Russia's parliament on March 15 lashed out at the UN war crimes tribunal in The Hague, blaming it for the death of late Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic and calling for its dissolution. Over the past few days, a number of high-ranking political figures have spoken harshly against the court. What is behind Russian anger at Milosevic's death?


MOSCOW, March 16, 2006 (RFE/RL) -- Russian deputies unanimously approved a statement accusing the UN war crimes tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) of systematically applying double standards and bias since its creation in 1993.

The statement, which is not legally binding, dismisses the court as "useless" and says it is "essential" that it be immediately disbanded.

Konstantin Kosachyov, the head of the Duma's Foreign Affairs Committee and the man who drafted the statement, accused the international court of being anti-Serb.

"The problem with the Hague tribunal is that, in line with a higher political task given to it, it has established once and for all who the criminals are and that they are in Serbia, while NATO is -- like Caesar's wife -- above suspicion," Kosachyov said.

The statement came just days after the sudden death of Milosevic, who was found dead in his cell at The Hague on March 11. An autopsy has revealed he succumbed to a heart attack.

Charges

Milosevic had been in custody since 2001. He was standing trial on 66 charges that included genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity committed during the wars in Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Kosovo in the 1990s.

The death of Milosevic before the pronouncement of a final verdict came as a severe disappointment to many, not least his prosecutors and victims.

Russia, however, has other reasons for being upset at Milosevic's passing.

The former Yugoslav leader had fervent supporters among the Russian political establishment, particularly among nationalists and communists.

Speaking to RFE/RL's Russian Service, Communist Party leader Gennady Zyuganov cast serious doubt on the UN tribunal's legitimacy: "Even the most pro-American forces in Russia are now silent and ashamed, because they understand that today it's Milosevic, and tomorrow they may get to you. I think all responsible politicians and citizens are seriously asking themselves what kind of tribunal this is, what kind of mock trial, what kind of procedures these are, when one is interrogated hundreds of times for eight or 10 hours. This is enough to push anyone to a heart attack and to death."

On March 15, a group of communists in St. Petersburg wrote to President Vladimir Putin to request that a street be renamed after Milosevic and a bust of him be erected in the city.

Slav Brothers

Russia and Serbia have close historical ties, are both predominantly Orthodox Christian, and have been allies in most of the 20th century's armed conflicts. Business ties between both countries also run deep.

Testifying to these warm relations, Moscow is currently home to Milosevic's wife, son, and brother Borislav Milosevic, who served as Yugoslav ambassador to Russia between 1998 and 2000.

The Kremlin's strong aversion to international rights watchdogs, which it accuses of meddling in Russia's internal affairs, may also explain such passionate calls for the dissolution of the tribunal. Some suggest that the Russian authorities may also fear being hauled one day before The Hague tribunal for crimes against civilians in war-torn Chechnya.

Many in Russia blame the UN tribunal for Milosevic's death.

In its statement March 15, the State Duma called for an independent international inquiry into the circumstances of his death. Deputies accused the court of "negligence or malicious intent."

The statement echoed earlier comments by Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, who on March 13 slammed the court for denying Milosevic permission to seek heart treatment in Moscow: "The Russian Federation provided the tribunal with 100 percent state guarantees that after the completion of the treatment Milosevic would return to The Hague. Those guarantees were examined during a special session of the tribunal, which found them insufficient. Essentially they did not believe Russia. This can only disturb us. It can only worry us that Milosevic passed away shortly afterwards."

Lavrov also said the late Yugoslav leader had sent a letter to the Foreign Ministry three days before dying. In the letter, he reportedly complained the treatment he was receiving in The Hague was harming him.

The foreign minister dispatched a team of Russian doctors earlier this week to check the findings of the official autopsy. The Russian medical team later endorsed those findings, but raised questions about what might have caused the heart attack that killed Milosevic.

Defense Witnesses

This storm of accusations is unlikely to come as much of a surprise to The Hague.

Anton Nikiforov, the chief adviser to the UN's chief war crimes prosecutor Carla Del Ponte, told RFE/RL's Russian Service that Russia has consistently refused to cooperate with the tribunal: "We have asked Russia for certain documents connected to the Milosevic cases and to other cases, but we almost never received anything. Milosevic had high-ranking witnesses from Russia. When we asked these witnesses whether they were ready to show us some of the written documents supporting their testimonies -- since these documents obviously had an official or confidential character -- no one has been able to show them to us."

Three Russian defense witnesses appeared at Milosevic's defense trial -- two former Russian premiers, Yevgeny Primakov and Nikolai Ryzhkov, and General Leonid Ivashov, who once headed the Defense Ministry's International Department.

Milosevic was the sixth person charged with war crimes in the Balkans to die at The Hague. A week earlier, former Croatian Serb leader Milan Babic, who had been a key prosecution witness against Milosevic, committed suicide in the same prison.

He had been sentenced in 2004 to 13 years in prison for crimes against humanity after pleading guilty to persecuting the non-Serb population in Croatia's Krajina region.



http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2006/3/f7df23e5-42ee-4eff-987e-a74ac4a6265a.html



March 15, 2006

Medical mystery swirls around Milosevic

A ruse or poisoning?

Medical mystery swirls around Milosevic 

By Elisabeth Rosenthal and Marlise Simons International Herald Tribune

THURSDAY, MARCH 16, 2006


Was Slobodan Milosevic a normal 64-year-old with manageable medical problems - from high blood pressure to hearing loss - that he manipulated and exaggerated in an attempt to gain his freedom? Or was Milosevic, as his supporters claim, perilously ill, in need of urgent medical evacuation from his detention center, mistreated by prison doctors and perhaps poisoned as well?

For months before his death last weekend, Milosevic and the United Nations war crimes tribunal in The Hague had been sparring over the state of his health. His passing prematurely ended a war crimes trial that had dragged on over four years, but only deepened the medical mystery that was evolving as he lived.

Preliminary autopsy results found that Milosevic had died of a heart attack, although doctors who examined him just months ago did not feel he had significant heart disease. Likewise, blood work before he died detected the presence of a medicine he had not been prescribed, one that would have put him at grave risk by reducing the effectiveness of his blood pressure pills.

Court officials and some scientists have been quick to insinuate that Milosevic was secretly ingesting the extra medicine to exacerbate his medical problems so that he could be transferred to a clinic in Moscow, where his family now lives.

But some confidants, including doctors who spoke to Milosevic in his last weeks of life, said he was alarmed by his poor health and feared prison doctors, as well as Dutch specialist consultants. were providing inadequate treatment.

In any event, several doctors who recently examined Milosevic concluded that the tribunal, in its skepticism about his litany of ailments, at times failed adequately to investigate them.

"His medical condition was not good, so we asked for additional tests to evaluate his cardiac situation," said Dr. Florence Leclercq, a prominent French cardiologist who examined Milosevic for about three hours last November.

"But these investigations were never performed and now that's a problem."

Dr. Patrick Barriot, another French physician who visited Milosevic frequently - last in December - said the former Serbian leader was suffering from increasingly severe high blood pressure in the six months before his death, with symptoms including headaches, visual changes and a constant thrumming noise in his ears.

The pressure routinely read 180/110, the physician said, well above safe limits.

"Each time I saw him, he was clearly deteriorating, more and more tired," said Barriot, who came to know Milosevic when stationed in the former Yugoslavia, and who testified as a defense witness.

Although long-term high blood pressure strains the heart and increases the risk of heart attack, Milosevic did not have any classic symptoms of heart disease, such as chest pain, Leclercq said.

When she heard the autopsy verdict of heart attack, she was surprised.

Attempts to make sense of Milosevic's death are hampered by the fact that reams of medical exams, a list of the medicines he was taking and details of the autopsy are regarded as confidential by the court.

Doctors permitted to see him, or medical records, said they had to sign promises not to divulge details. A toxicology report is expected later this week.

What is clear is that recently Miloevic's blood pressure, a problem since the start of his trial, had became increasingly difficult to control, and prison doctors long suspected him of not taking his medicine, said Donald Uges, one of two Dutch toxicologists consulted on the case.

After several weeks of sleuthing, the toxicologists recently determined instead that he had ingested the antibiotic rifampicin, which would blunt the effect of his blood pressure medicine. Uges, as well as tribunal officials speaking on the condition of anonymity, suggested that the antibiotic was taken intentionally, smuggled in by visitors.

But Barriot dismissed the charge, saying that Milosevic had called him several times recently, "very anxious about his blood pressure" and whether detention-center guards were giving him the right medicine - a worry he brought up in court as well.

"He had no confidence in the drugs or the treatments that were given him in jail," Barriot said.

Leclercq said that when she examined Milosevic last Nov. 4 with two other physicians, "his cardiac situation was extremely difficult to evaluate."

Prison officials assured her that some cardiac tests, like an ultrasound, had been done and were "normal" but could not show her the actual test results, leaving her to conclude that more was needed, she said from her clinic at the Hôpital Arnaud de Villeneuve, in Montpellier, France.

"What was shocking was that in four years lots of tests and exams on his heart had never been done," said Dr. Vukasin Andric, a Serbian physician who also examined that day, noting that Milosevic had had thorough evaluations of organs.

Alexandra Milenov, a spokesperson for the tribunal, said Milosevic had been examined repeatedly by prison doctors and independent specialists, including cardiologists, and that medicine had to be taken under supervision, though in court papers doctors complained that they could not properly monitor Milosevic's medicine intake because of his relatively unen- cumbered access to visitors.

Carla Del Ponte, the chief prosecutor, said she knew Milosevic was ill and had a dossier of about 150 medical reports from various doctors concerning his case.

"If there was one person who was not overlooked it was Milosevic," she said.

Since Milosevic arrived in The Hague in 2001, neither side trusted the other's medical opinions, and debates about his health often eclipsed testimony.

Last Nov. 15, when Milosevic repeatedly interrupted trial proceedings with attempts to discuss a medical report, judges cut him short:

Judge Patrick Robinson: I do not wish to have it discussed now. Are you deaf? Call your next witness.

Milosevic: I probably am deaf.

Judge Robinson: Well if you are, we'll see about that. Call the next witness.

Last fall, because of concerns about his declining health - notably the severe phantom noise in his ears - Milosevic requested a consultation by the outside doctors, a review that Barriot helped to arrange. The experts included Leclercq, Dr. Margarita Shumilina, a Russian vascular specialist, and Dr. Vukasin Andric, an ear specialist.

Shumulina and Andric concluded that Milosevic's hearing problems were "symptoms of disordered brain circulation because of hypertension," according to a confidential report, part of which was read to a reporter.

In practical terms, the team suggested a six-week break in the trial to "reduce or at least stabilize" symptoms - an idea met with skepticism on the court, whose own experts had concluded that the hearing problems were not indicative of serious vascular problems, and that rest would have no effect.

After more than four years of proceedings, the judges were also under some pressure to bring the trial to an end.

Judge Iain Bonomy, in a scathing dissent, noted that the whole consultation was highly suspect because of political ties between Andric and Milosevic. Andric, who had practiced in Kosovo, was a defense witness at Milosevic's trial for war crimes, asserting that Muslim children in Kosovo had pretended to have been poisoned by Serbian troops.

On the day last December the court was to adjourn for a Christmas holiday break, Milosevic upped the ante, requesting permission to fly to Moscow for treatment, which was denied.

By January his blood pressure readings became increasingly erratic, with levels as high as 260/180, Andric has said in the Serbian press. Irate at charges that he had not been taking his medicine, Milosevic agreed to an examination in the prison infirmary, remaining under observation for hours after taking his pills.

"The test established that when I take medication under control, the level of that medication in my blood is far below the expected level," he told the court.

Ironically, it was in part that exercise that led prison doctors to suspect foul play, perhaps by Milosevic, Uges said.

Was there some substance that would nullify the blood pressure medicines?

"We realized that the only thing that could do this was rifampicin," he said. A blood sample was found to contain the compound.

Used commonly to treat tuberculosis, rifampicin is known to reduce the effect of other medicines, from oral contraceptives to blood pressure pills, by stimulating liver enzymes that break down a host of drugs.

But how did rifampicin get into his blood: Was Milosevic intentionally taking it? Or was someone with access to the prison trying to poison him, a charge his supporters and family make?

The drug is common in prison pharmacies in Russia and the United States, where tuberculosis is relatively common, but TB is rare in the Netherlands. Milenov could not say if rifampicin was stocked in the detention center.

In any event, some experts said rifampicin itself was unlikely to explain Milosevic's death, since he did not die of a stroke, a far more common problem with high blood pressure.

Also, its effects on blood pressure "could have simply been counteracted by increasing the dose of President Milosevic's medicine," as is commonly required in patients on rifampicin, said Joris Delanghe, a physician and toxicologist at the University of Ghent.

Skeptics point out that rifampicin is a difficult substance for anyone to use surreptitiously, since its effects are variable and it turns the urine red. And this 64-year-old with a history of smoking and high blood pressure may well have had undetected heart disease, doctors said.

"Refractory hypertension exists and some patients are hard to treat," Delanghe said. He added that for Milosevic, the mental stress of being imprisoned must have been "a major cardiovascular risk factor in itself."

Elisabeth Rosenthal reported for the International Herald Tribune, and Marlise Simons for The New York Times.

 Was Slobodan Milosevic a normal 64-year-old with manageable medical problems - from high blood pressure to hearing loss - that he manipulated and exaggerated in an attempt to gain his freedom? Or was Milosevic, as his supporters claim, perilously ill, in need of urgent medical evacuation from his detention center, mistreated by prison doctors and perhaps poisoned as well?

For months before his death last weekend, Milosevic and the United Nations war crimes tribunal in The Hague had been sparring over the state of his health. His passing prematurely ended a war crimes trial that had dragged on over four years, but only deepened the medical mystery that was evolving as he lived.

Preliminary autopsy results found that Milosevic had died of a heart attack, although doctors who examined him just months ago did not feel he had significant heart disease. Likewise, blood work before he died detected the presence of a medicine he had not been prescribed, one that would have put him at grave risk by reducing the effectiveness of his blood pressure pills.

Court officials and some scientists have been quick to insinuate that Milosevic was secretly ingesting the extra medicine to exacerbate his medical problems so that he could be transferred to a clinic in Moscow, where his family now lives.

But some confidants, including doctors who spoke to Milosevic in his last weeks of life, said he was alarmed by his poor health and feared prison doctors, as well as Dutch specialist consultants. were providing inadequate treatment.

In any event, several doctors who recently examined Milosevic concluded that the tribunal, in its skepticism about his litany of ailments, at times failed adequately to investigate them.

"His medical condition was not good, so we asked for additional tests to evaluate his cardiac situation," said Dr. Florence Leclercq, a prominent French cardiologist who examined Milosevic for about three hours last November.

"But these investigations were never performed and now that's a problem."

Dr. Patrick Barriot, another French physician who visited Milosevic frequently - last in December - said the former Serbian leader was suffering from increasingly severe high blood pressure in the six months before his death, with symptoms including headaches, visual changes and a constant thrumming noise in his ears.

The pressure routinely read 180/110, the physician said, well above safe limits.

"Each time I saw him, he was clearly deteriorating, more and more tired," said Barriot, who came to know Milosevic when stationed in the former Yugoslavia, and who testified as a defense witness.

Although long-term high blood pressure strains the heart and increases the risk of heart attack, Milosevic did not have any classic symptoms of heart disease, such as chest pain, Leclercq said.

When she heard the autopsy verdict of heart attack, she was surprised.

Attempts to make sense of Milosevic's death are hampered by the fact that reams of medical exams, a list of the medicines he was taking and details of the autopsy are regarded as confidential by the court.

Doctors permitted to see him, or medical records, said they had to sign promises not to divulge details. A toxicology report is expected later this week.

What is clear is that recently Miloevic's blood pressure, a problem since the start of his trial, had became increasingly difficult to control, and prison doctors long suspected him of not taking his medicine, said Donald Uges, one of two Dutch toxicologists consulted on the case.

After several weeks of sleuthing, the toxicologists recently determined instead that he had ingested the antibiotic rifampicin, which would blunt the effect of his blood pressure medicine. Uges, as well as tribunal officials speaking on the condition of anonymity, suggested that the antibiotic was taken intentionally, smuggled in by visitors.

But Barriot dismissed the charge, saying that Milosevic had called him several times recently, "very anxious about his blood pressure" and whether detention-center guards were giving him the right medicine - a worry he brought up in court as well.

"He had no confidence in the drugs or the treatments that were given him in jail," Barriot said.

Leclercq said that when she examined Milosevic last Nov. 4 with two other physicians, "his cardiac situation was extremely difficult to evaluate."

Prison officials assured her that some cardiac tests, like an ultrasound, had been done and were "normal" but could not show her the actual test results, leaving her to conclude that more was needed, she said from her clinic at the Hôpital Arnaud de Villeneuve, in Montpellier, France.

"What was shocking was that in four years lots of tests and exams on his heart had never been done," said Dr. Vukasin Andric, a Serbian physician who also examined that day, noting that Milosevic had had thorough evaluations of organs.

Alexandra Milenov, a spokesperson for the tribunal, said Milosevic had been examined repeatedly by prison doctors and independent specialists, including cardiologists, and that medicine had to be taken under supervision, though in court papers doctors complained that they could not properly monitor Milosevic's medicine intake because of his relatively unen- cumbered access to visitors.

Carla Del Ponte, the chief prosecutor, said she knew Milosevic was ill and had a dossier of about 150 medical reports from various doctors concerning his case.

"If there was one person who was not overlooked it was Milosevic," she said.

Since Milosevic arrived in The Hague in 2001, neither side trusted the other's medical opinions, and debates about his health often eclipsed testimony.

Last Nov. 15, when Milosevic repeatedly interrupted trial proceedings with attempts to discuss a medical report, judges cut him short:

Judge Patrick Robinson: I do not wish to have it discussed now. Are you deaf? Call your next witness.

Milosevic: I probably am deaf.

Judge Robinson: Well if you are, we'll see about that. Call the next witness.

Last fall, because of concerns about his declining health - notably the severe phantom noise in his ears - Milosevic requested a consultation by the outside doctors, a review that Barriot helped to arrange. The experts included Leclercq, Dr. Margarita Shumilina, a Russian vascular specialist, and Dr. Vukasin Andric, an ear specialist.

Shumulina and Andric concluded that Milosevic's hearing problems were "symptoms of disordered brain circulation because of hypertension," according to a confidential report, part of which was read to a reporter.

In practical terms, the team suggested a six-week break in the trial to "reduce or at least stabilize" symptoms - an idea met with skepticism on the court, whose own experts had concluded that the hearing problems were not indicative of serious vascular problems, and that rest would have no effect.

After more than four years of proceedings, the judges were also under some pressure to bring the trial to an end.

Judge Iain Bonomy, in a scathing dissent, noted that the whole consultation was highly suspect because of political ties between Andric and Milosevic. Andric, who had practiced in Kosovo, was a defense witness at Milosevic's trial for war crimes, asserting that Muslim children in Kosovo had pretended to have been poisoned by Serbian troops.

On the day last December the court was to adjourn for a Christmas holiday break, Milosevic upped the ante, requesting permission to fly to Moscow for treatment, which was denied.

By January his blood pressure readings became increasingly erratic, with levels as high as 260/180, Andric has said in the Serbian press. Irate at charges that he had not been taking his medicine, Milosevic agreed to an examination in the prison infirmary, remaining under observation for hours after taking his pills.

"The test established that when I take medication under control, the level of that medication in my blood is far below the expected level," he told the court.

Ironically, it was in part that exercise that led prison doctors to suspect foul play, perhaps by Milosevic, Uges said.

Was there some substance that would nullify the blood pressure medicines?

"We realized that the only thing that could do this was rifampicin," he said. A blood sample was found to contain the compound.

Used commonly to treat tuberculosis, rifampicin is known to reduce the effect of other medicines, from oral contraceptives to blood pressure pills, by stimulating liver enzymes that break down a host of drugs.

But how did rifampicin get into his blood: Was Milosevic intentionally taking it? Or was someone with access to the prison trying to poison him, a charge his supporters and family make?

The drug is common in prison pharmacies in Russia and the United States, where tuberculosis is relatively common, but TB is rare in the Netherlands. Milenov could not say if rifampicin was stocked in the detention center.

In any event, some experts said rifampicin itself was unlikely to explain Milosevic's death, since he did not die of a stroke, a far more common problem with high blood pressure.

Also, its effects on blood pressure "could have simply been counteracted by increasing the dose of President Milosevic's medicine," as is commonly required in patients on rifampicin, said Joris Delanghe, a physician and toxicologist at the University of Ghent.

Skeptics point out that rifampicin is a difficult substance for anyone to use surreptitiously, since its effects are variable and it turns the urine red. And this 64-year-old with a history of smoking and high blood pressure may well have had undetected heart disease, doctors said.

"Refractory hypertension exists and some patients are hard to treat," Delanghe said. He added that for Milosevic, the mental stress of being imprisoned must have been "a major cardiovascular risk factor in itself."

Elisabeth Rosenthal reported for the International Herald Tribune, and Marlise Simons for The New York Times.


 

FUNERAL OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC

FUNERAL OF PRESIDENT MILOSEVIC

Wednesday, 15 March 2006

Remains of President Milosevic arrived to Belgrade

Thursday, 16 March

Casket with remains of President Milosevic will be from 12:00 pm placed in the Museum "25 May" (Bulevar Mira, Belgrade) where the people will be able to pay their respect

Friday, 17 March

Casket with remains of President Milosevic will be whole day in the Museum "25 May" (Bulevar Mira, Belgrade) where the people will be able to pay their respect

Saturday, 18 March

Casket with remains of President Milosevic will be in the morning in the Museum "25 May" (Bulevar Mira, Belgrade) where the people will be able to pay their respect and then the casket will be moved to

12:00 Central commemoration - farewell rally in front of the Federal Parliament in Belgrade and finally to his home town Pozarevac for burial.


All people, all friends, supporters, ICDSM members, parties, organizations and officials from Serbia and abroad are welcome to attend all parts of the funeral.

Last minute changes of the above schedule are possible due to obstruction by the Belgrade puppet authorities.

To announce the arrival of the foreign guests or for any further inquiry that can ease their stay in Serbia on this sad occasion, please contact:

Vladimir Krsljanin of Sloboda/Freedom Association at
+381 63 8862 301
or
Branislav Popovic of SPS International Department at
+381 64 170 2869

March 14, 2006

War Crimes: Goose and Gander

 

Truthout - Mar 13, 2006

http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/031306J.shtml

War Crimes: Goose and Gander
    By Marjorie Cohn
    t r u t h o u t | Perspective

    Monday 13 March 2006

    Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic was found dead in his jail cell at The Hague Saturday. Since 2001, he had been on trial for genocide in Bosnia, and war crimes and crimes against humanity in Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo. Although many have already adjudged him guilty, we will never hear the official verdict of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY).

    We will also never see a trial in the ICTY for Bill Clinton, Madeleine Albright or Wesley Clark for the 1999 US-led NATO bombing of Yugoslavia. Nor will George W. Bush, Dick Cheney or Donald Rumsfeld be prosecuted by an international tribunal for their war crimes in Iraq.

    NATO's invasion of Yugoslavia was a war of aggression that violated the United Nations Charter. It was not undertaken in self-defense nor did it carry the approval of the Security Council. Between 1500 and 2000 civilians were killed and many thousands injured. When I visited Belgrade a year after the NATO bombing, I saw schools, hospitals, bridges, libraries and homes reduced to rubble. The ICTY statute prohibits the targeting of civilians. And even though it also forbids the use of poisonous weapons calculated to cause unnecessary suffering, NATO used depleted uranium and cluster bombs, whose devastating character is widely known. NATO also targeted a petrochemical complex, releasing carcinogens into the air that reached 10,600 times the acceptable safety level.

    The American Association of Jurists and a group of Canadian lawyers and law professors filed a war crimes complaint against NATO leaders in the ICTY. Yet that tribunal conducted only a perfunctory investigation of the serious charges. Both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch criticized the ICTY for failing to thoroughly investigate.

    By denouncing the International Criminal Court, Team Bush has ensured that US leaders will never be held to account for war crimes. Although virtually every Western democracy has ratified the statute under which the Court operates, the United States has thumbed its nose at this monumental international justice system.

    Bush has reason to fear prosecution. He has used cluster bombs, depleted uranium, white phosphorous and napalm. And the torture of prisoners in US custody also constitutes a war crime. His war on Iraq is a war of aggression.

    After the Holocaust, the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg called the waging of aggressive war "essentially an evil thing ... to initiate a war of aggression ... is not only an international crime; it is the supreme international crime differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole." Associate United States Supreme Court Justice Robert Jackson, one of the prosecutors at the Nuremberg Tribunal, labeled the crime of aggression "the greatest menace of our times."

    For the first time, at Nuremberg, individuals were held criminally accountable for war crimes and waging a war of aggression. Japanese leaders were also tried for atrocities committed during World War II, in the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal.

    Yet US leaders who were responsible for some of the most heinous war crimes ever committed - the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the fire bombings of Dresden, Tokyo and 66 other Japanese cities - were never brought to justice.

    Only the vanquished Germans and Japanese were put on trial. Justice Radhabinod Pal of India, dissenting at the Tokyo Tribunal, called this "victor's justice."

    Indeed, Robert McNamara, who participated in the bombing of Japan during World War II, admitted in the film Fog of War that he and General Curtis LeMay would have been tried for war crimes if the US had lost the war. He said, "LeMay said if we lost the war that we would have all been prosecuted as war criminals. And I think he's right. He ... and I'd say I ... were behaving as war criminals."

    It is no accident that the Iraqi Special Tribunal where Saddam Hussein is currently on trial only has jurisdiction over Iraqi citizens for acts committed prior to May 1, 2003, the day the US-UK occupation of Iraq began. The United States opposed sending Hussein to an international tribunal, and manipulated the Iraqi tribunal to prevent any US leaders from being tried for their war crimes in Iraq.

    What's good for the goose is good for the gander. But the leaders of the world's most powerful country continue to enjoy "victor's justice."


    Marjorie Cohn is a professor at Thomas Jefferson School of Law, President-elect of the National Lawyers Guild, and the US representative to the executive committee of the American Association of Jurists. She writes a weekly column for t r u t h o u t.

The Convenient Death of Slobodan Milosevic


 The Convenient Death of Slobodan Milosevic


To: Mary Mostert <Mary@bannerofliberty.com>
Subject: The Convenient Death of Slobodan Milosevic


The Convenient Death of Slobodan Milosevic


By Mary Mostert, Analyst, Banner of Liberty (www.bannerofliberty.com)

March 13, 2006

Slobodan Milosevic, the last communist head of state for the former Yugoslavia, after four years of a trial conducted by the ICTY (International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia), died in his cell at the Hague, unattended and after much debate with his captors over his health problems. His trial for his alleged crimes has been going on for four years and was supposed to be coming to an end in a matter of weeks.

His death is being viewed as rather convenient by those who might have been embarrassed had he won the case. A Dutch news agency, citing an unidentified "adviser" to the Tribunal, reported that traces of a drug used to treat leprosy and tuberculosis, which would block medications prescribed for Milosevic's heart disease and high blood pressure, were found in his blood.
His attorney, Zdenko Tomanovic told reporters that his Milosevic feared he was being poisoned and requested that an autopsy take place in Moscow. The Tribunal refused that request as it did a recent request to allow Milosevic treatment in Russia for health problems.

During the past 10 years I've done a lot of research on the issues involving the break up of Yugoslavia. The disintegration of Yugoslavia was caused by a civil war that reminded me a great deal of America's own Civil War of 1861-1865. The outbreak of America's civil war was not caused by any one person, but arose largely because of a fundamental disagreement between the North and the South over what the U.S. Constitution says and over the slavery issue.

The South believed the Constitution limited federal sovereignty, and that the States retained their sovereign rights. The North believed Constitution made the federal government the keeper of the nation's sovereignty.

The second fundamental disagreement arose as the Northern States, all of which allowed slavery at the time of the Declaration of Independence, gradually eliminated slavery either because of moral concerns or simply because, in the economy of the North, it was impractical and expensive to maintain.

In American history, the President of the country who believed that the preservation of the Union was more important than states rights was Abraham Lincoln Although the Civil War was the bloodiest war in American history and left anger and resentments that have haunted America every since, today Lincoln is considered one of America's greatest presidents because he managed to preserve the Union.

On the other hand, Slobodan Milosevic's efforts to preserve the unity of Yugoslavia after the death of communist dictator Tito did not succeed - although it might have if US and British Air Forces had not bombed the Serbs for 79 days 1999.

Abraham Lincoln did not, all by himself, create the situation which led the Southern States to secede from the Union and Slobodan Milosevic did not, all by himself, create the situation which led first Slovenia and Croatia to secede from Yugoslavia on June 25, 1991 or Bosnia and Herzegovina to secede from Yugoslavia on October 15, 1991. As a matter of factTito preserved Yugoslav unity by harshly putting down a Croatian separatist movement in
1972 without any outside assistance.

In 1990 in the first multi-party election to be held in Serbia after World War II Slobodon Milosevic was elected President of Serbia. On July 23, 1997 he was elected President of all of Yugoslavia. He lost the election of October 5, 2000, after NATO had bombed the country for 79 days and on April 1, 2001 he was arrested on a charge of corruption and was imprisoned without specific charges.

On June 28, 2001 without any trial on charges in the arrest warrant, the newly elected Serbian leadership handed the previously elected president over to the ICTY to be imprisoned at the Hague.

This would be somewhat comparable to European powers arresting President Abraham Lincoln and hauling him off to Europe for trial. And, had it not been for the diplomacy of Lincoln's Secretary of State, William H. Seward, that might have happened over the Trent affair. The Confederacy had appointed two former US Senators as ambassadors to France and Britain during the Civil War. They went to Havana, caught the British mail steamer Trent for Europe. A Union frigate San Jacinto commanded by Captain Charles Wilkes halted and boarded the Trent, removed the two new Confederate ambassadors and took them to Boston, where they were tossed in prison.

This was considered an act of war by Britain, which promptly demanded reparation and an apology. Seward recommended just that to keep the British from declaring war on the United States. Had that happened, the Union probably could not have won the Civil War and Abraham Lincoln would probably not be honored as a great American president.

>From time to time over the past 4 years I've read some of the ICTY
>trial
transcripts which
<http://www.bannerofliberty.com/BosniaKosovo/OSKosovo-MasterTOC.html>  are posted on my website along with other information on issues involving the former Yugoslavia. Frankly, it was becoming obvious to me that the prosecutors in the case had very poor arguments that were being regularly refuted by Milosevic and his defense lawyers. Although CNN reported and President Clinton believed that Milosevic had killed "over 100,000 Albanians," scores of forensic experts never found the bodies that the Albanians claimed were buried in "mass graves" in Kosovo.

With Milosevic now dead, the ICTY is "unable" to pronounce a verdict.
Technically, there can BE no "guilty" verdict. Under American law, he would have to be considered innocent, since no court of his peers ever declared him guilty. Milosevic is the third Serb to die while imprisoned at the Hague. If he had been a terrorist and the Hague was an American prison, the world media would be up in arms demanding an investigation.

Of course, that won't happen. Anyway, the Serbian Unity Congress (SUC) says the death of Slobodan Milosevic, "together with the passing of two other leaders responsible for the Yugoslav carnage, Croatian president Franjo Tudjman and Bosnian president Alija Izetbegovic, will lead to the final closing of an unfortunate chapter in Serbian, Yugoslav and world history."
All three men were signers of the Dayton Peace Accord in 1995 that was supposed to solve the Balkan problem..

SUC also observed Kosovo Albanian leaders of the most recent Balkan bloodbath are still at large. Former Prime Minister Ramush Hardinaj resigned when indicted for war crimes, and Agim Cheku, who was recently nominated to be Kosovo's prime minister, awaits his indictment for war crimes.

As long as key leaders of the Balkan bloodbath expect to be rewarded for their crimes by being given possession and made leaders of Kosovo, I rather doubt the chapter is closed on this story.



March 13, 2006

Milosevic death adds new "unknown" in EU equation

 
Milosevic death adds new "unknown" in EU equation
Mon Mar 13, 2006 10:21 AM ET
By Mark John
BRUSSELS (Reuters) - The death of former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic adds a potentially dangerous new "unknown" into the European Union's complex ties with membership hopeful Serbia, analysts said on Monday.
EU officials are quietly relieved that the death of the war crimes indictee in a United Nations tribunal cell has not so far stirred up a wave of nationalist sentiment in Serbia that could turn popular opinion against the bloc.
But they recognize it could complicate efforts to get other indictees such as Bosnian Serb general Ratko Mladic to the Hague tribunal, and could harm efforts to convince Serbs that the EU seriously sees a future for them within the bloc.
"We are all hoping that this shows Serbia has moved on. But it is a bit of a dangerous situation given all the other factors," said Gergana Noutcheva at the Center for European Policy Studies in Brussels.
Noutcheva said Milosevic's death was a complicating factor at a time of high pressure for Belgrade, embroiled in talks on the status of the Kosovo province and facing a referendum in its state union partner Montenegro on possible independence.
Apart from a weekend vigil by 100 diehard and mostly elderly supporters at the Socialist Party office, there has been little outpouring of emotion for Milosevic, who led Serbia into war, poverty and international pariah status.
"The reaction has been mixed. We suspect it could be closed quite quickly. It could even be cathartic," said one EU official, saying Brussels hoped it would enable Serbs to turn the page more quickly on the Bosnian wars of the 1990s.
"We must hope Milosevic will be quietly forgotten," echoed Croatia's pro-EU daily Jutarnji List, fearing that Milosevic's death might stir up unwelcome memories in the region.
WORST-CASE SCENARIO
EU foreign ministers meeting in the Austrian city of Salzburg on Saturday insisted Milosevic's death did not alter their demand that Belgrade arrest and hand over Mladic by the end of this month or risk derailing talks on closer EU ties.
Many said Milosevic's death before the end of his trial had cheated the families of Bosnian war victims of the satisfaction of seeing justice done, making it more urgent to bring Mladic and wartime Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic to trial.
But some EU officials acknowledged that Milosevic's prison death could make Mladic -- believed to be enjoying protection from loyalists in the security services -- more reluctant to hand himself in to the very same tribunal.
News of Milosevic's death upstaged what the EU intended as a message of reassurance from Salzburg, confirming that EU entry was the "ultimate goal" for the states of the former Yugoslavia.
Noutcheva said the worst-case scenario would be nationalist politicians using Milosevic's death to drum up sentiment against the West and the EU.
While Mladic's transfer to the Hague remains vital for any progress on Serbia's ties with the EU, analysts say it is time for the bloc to give more encouragement.
"If this really is the decisive year for the Balkans, the carrots offered by the EU are extremely thin," said Aleksandar Mitic, an analyst on south-east Europe and the EU.
Mitic, who also works for Serbian state news agency Tanjug, said the Salzburg statement would disappoint many in Serbia with its insistence on the EU's ability to absorb future members as a proviso to further enlargement.
The European Stability Initiative think-tank agreed. "This (Salzburg meeting) was an opportunity to reassure the region that its European prospects are not slipping into the distant future. This opportunity was missed," it said in a report.
Financial help and promises to make it easier for Serbs to obtain visas to travel to the EU had had little impact on public opinion so far, Mitic added.
Noutcheva also said it was time for the EU to reach out to Serbs more, suggesting it was vital that preliminary talks on a so-called "stabilization and accession agreement" -- a key rung on the ladder to entry -- were concluded this year.
"That would be a big boost (for the pro-EU camp in Serbia) and it could be done," she said.
-- by Mark John, Reuters

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Milosevic's demise a death sentence to Hague Tribunal

 

 

Milosevic's demise a death sentence to Hague Tribunal

15:34 | 13/ 03/ 2006

MOSCOW. (RIA Novosti political commentator Pyotr Romanov.) - The death of Slobodan Milosevic, the former president of Yugoslavia, is a death sentence to the Hague Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Milosevic was the main culprit for the prosecution team led by Carla del Ponte and it based its strategy accordingly.

They needed to pass a verdict of "guilty" on him to prove that he alone is to blame for the barbarous bombings of Serbia and to whitewash the Western "peacekeepers" in Kosovo, who had changed the pole of violence to its opposite. Before their deployment, Serbs were killing Kosovo Albanians; after it, the situation was reversed. And lastly, the West needed to put the blame on Milosevic so as to convince many Serbs that he is not a national hero but a ruthless dictator.

But the West and Carla del Ponte have lost this battle, which is not surprising. She used all of her cases for personal promotion rather than for the pursuit of truth. The whole of Western jurisdiction has lost a battle to one man. Opinions of Milosevic may differ, but he was a brilliant lawyer who spoke in court not as a defendant but as a prosecutor. Many of his arguments were more respectable than the words of Ms. del Ponte.

The Hague Tribunal has also suffered a moral defeat. Its reputation has been damaged by several suspected suicides and the death of the main defendant, who had asked for medical assistance many times. Moreover, all of the deceased were Serbs. The official cause of Milosevic's death has not been made public yet, but two of the aired possibilities sound as a death sentence.

If the version of poisoning is confirmed, it may be used as a reason for a serious investigation, especially because there was a motive. The trial had reached a blind alley, and quite a few people wanted Milosevic dead. The legal adviser of the deceased showed journalists a letter dated March 10, the day before Milosevic was found dead in his cell. In it the former Serbian leader claimed he was poisoned.

If the conclusion is a heart attack, the guilt of the Tribunal will be apparent. Milosevic regularly complained about feeling unwell and asked to be allowed to undergo medical treatment in Moscow.

Professor Dr. Leo Bokeria, chief cardiac surgeon of the Russian Health Ministry, who saw the medical case of Milosevic kept by the court medics, said it was confusing and the doctors' recommendations were not suited to the gravity of the defendant's disease. The Russian doctor said Milosevic had needed an emergency operation, and Russia was ready to perform it, though not because it loved the Serbian prisoner. Russia would have done it for humanitarian considerations and returned Milosevic to The Hague after a proper rehabilitation period.

The Tribunal rejected the offer and questioned the qualifications of Russian doctors and the intentions of the Russian government, thus publicly offending a permanent member of the UN Security Council. When Carla del Ponte was asked if she was sorry she had not allowed Milosevic to undergo medical treatment in Moscow, she replied: "Why should I be? There was a possibility that he would not return to The Hague for the trial. I have nothing to be sorry about."

Milosevic's conscience was not very clean, but the conscience of Western politics is not lilywhite either. There was a reason for putting Slobodan Milosevic on trial. But many Western officials should have been tried together with him for deliberately dismembering Yugoslavia and destroying and humiliating Serbs.

Likewise, Saddam Hussein should be tried together with those who launched the Iraqi war, used the prohibited chemical weapons to bomb Fallujah, kept prisoners at Guantanamo indefinitely, and turned the Abu Ghraib prison into inquisition cells, just as Saddam Hussein had done in his time.

A fair court carefully analyzes all circumstances of a case before formulating the verdict and charges everyone who is to blame irrespective of political considerations and rank. Otherwise it is not a fair trial but a kangaroo court.

The Hague Tribunal has died as a court one can trust.

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and may not necessarily represent those of RIA Novosti.



Claims Of Poisoning Raise Stakes Of Milosevic Autopsy

 
Claims Of Poisoning Raise Stakes Of Milosevic Autopsy
Yugoslavia – War crimes – Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic pictured during a visit to Prishtina (Pristina), Kosovo on 25 June 1997. (Size: 155x220.) Source: epa.
Former Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic (file photo)
(epa)
PRAGUE, March 11, 2006 (RFE/RL) -- An autopsy has been ordered on former Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic, the so-called "butcher of the Balkans" being tried for war crimes, after he was found dead today in his prison cell. He was 64.

Dutch television reports that forensic experts will examine the body at the Dutch Forensic Institute in The Hague on March 12. A Serb doctor despatched by the Serbian government will reportedly attend the autopsy.

The UN war crimes tribunal in The Hague says that there are no indications that Milosevic committed suicide and believes that he died of natural causes. Milosevic suffered chronic heart ailments and high blood pressure.

However, Milosevic's lawyer, Zdenko Tomanovic, said that his client had feared that he might be poisoned, comments that will fuel speculation in Serbia and Montenegro about the death of the country's former president. The deputy head of Milosevic's Socialist Party of Serbia, Milorad Vucelic, has already blamed the tribunal for Milosevic's death, saying its decision to reject his request for treatment in Russia had killed him.

The Milosevic family has said it does not trust the UN tribunal to conduct the autopsy impartially.

Chief UN war crimes prosecutor Carla Del Ponte said she regretted Milosevic's death because she believed she would have won his conviction.

"I regret deeply what happened, first of all, because after more than three years of trials, we are reaching the end of the trials by the beginning of this summer, and I think that it is regrettable for all witnesses, for all survivors, for all victims, [who] are expecting justice, but we must expect now the result of the autopsy to see what is the cause of death," Del Ponte said.

Milosevic had been on trial since February 2002, defending himself against 66 counts of crimes, including genocide, in Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosovo. He was the first sitting head of state ever to be indicted for such crimes.

Supporters in Milosevic's homeland declared his death a "huge loss," while citizens of Bosnia, Croatia and Kosovo said his death brought some justice to his victims.

The European Union, which has been urging Serbia and Montenegro to do more to capture the fugitive wartime leaders of the Bosnian Serbs Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic, said that Milosevic's death does not relieve Serbia of its responsibility to continue to hand over war crimes suspects.

The U.S. administration called Milosevic "the principal figure responsible for the violent dismemberment of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, including the outbreak of two horrific wars in Bosnia and Kosovo," and said that it continues to support the work of the International Criminal Tribunal in The Hague.

(compiled from news agencies)


Shortcut to: http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2006/03/ca06a7c5-1d4b-4677-a125-cb1d6d32f5c2.html

Text of Milosevic Letter Sent to Russia



Text of Milosevic Letter Sent to Russia By The Associated Press ASSOCIATED PRESS

The text of a handwritten letter dated March 8, 2006, written by Slobodan Milosevic to Russia asking for its help. It was provided in an English translation by his lawyer Zdenko Tomanovic:

To the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation.

Dear ladies and gentlemen,

With my acknowledgment for the solidarity and understanding which you expressed by accepting to receive me to come for medical treatment and by giving guarantees, I would like to inform you about the following:

I think that the persistence, with which the medical treatment in Russia was denied, in the first place is motivated by the fear that through careful examination it would be discovered, that there were active, willful steps taken, to destroy my health, throughout the proceedings of the trial, which could not be hidden from Russian specialists.

In order to verify my allegations, I'm presenting you a simple example which you can find in the attachment. This document, which I received on March 7, shows that on January 12th (i.e. two months ago), an extremely strong drug was found in my blood, which is used, as they themselves say, for the treatment of tuberculosis and leprosy, although I never used any kind of antibiotic during this 5 years that I'm in their prison.

Throughout this whole period, neither have I had any kind of infectious illness (apart from flu).

Also the fact that doctors needed 2 months (to report to me), can't have any other explanation than we are facing manipulation. In any case, those who foist on me a drug against leprosy surely can't treat my illness; likewise those from which I defended my country in times of war and who have an interest to silence me.

Dear Sirs, it is known to you that Russian physicians, who rank among the most respected physicians in the world, came to the conclusion that the examination and treatment of the vascular problems in my head are inevitable and urgent. I know very well that this is true, as I feel very bad.

I'm addressing you in expectation that you help me defend my health from the criminal activities in this institution, working under the sign of the U.N., and that I be enabled as soon as possible to get adequate treatment in your hospital, in whose physicians, as well as in Russia, I have absolute confidence.

Yours sincerely,

Slobodan Milosevic

Milosevic to be buried in Belgrade

 

 
International Herald Tribune
Milosevic may be buried in Belgrade
MONDAY, MARCH 13, 2006

Rest Easy, Bill Clinton: Milosevic Can't Talk Anymore

 

Jeremy Scahill
 

Slobodan Milosevic is characterized in the obituaries as the "Butcher of the Balkans." If that is the story you want to read about, please go to almost any other media outlet and read it again and again. Some are now suggesting that death is Milosevic's final revenge, that he "ended up cheating history" by dying before judgment was passed. But the world has already passed judgment on Milosevic and what is being cheated by his death is history itself.

What the corporate media overwhelmingly ignores in Milosevic's death is what they ignored in his life as well--his intimate knowledge of US war crimes in Yugoslavia. While Milosevic was undoubtedly a war criminal who deserved to be tried for his crimes, he was also the only man in the unique position of being able to expose and detail the full extent of the US role in the bloody disintegration of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. In fact, that is precisely what he was fighting to do at his war crimes trial when he died.

Because of the rule of victors' justice in the ad hoc tribunal system (a poor and unfair substitute for a true international court), Milosevic's case would have been the only international trial to potentially expose the details of the illegal, US-led NATO bombing of Yugoslavia for 78 days in 1999. While the US-backed court consistently tried to limit Milosevic's right to speak, stripping him of his right to self-representation, Milosevic battled regularly to raise US war crimes. Sadly, with Milosevic will likely die the last hope the victims of these crimes in Yugoslavia had of getting their day (if it could even be called that) in court--a tragic and unjust reality to begin with--that speaks volumes about the twisted state of international justice.

Milosevic's cause, regardless of what one thinks of it, was a casualty of 9/11--an event that relegated him and his trial to the annals of history before it was even over. Most people in the world--with the exception of those in the Balkans where the proceedings were broadcast live, daily--probably didn't even know Milosevic was still on trial in the Hague. It became an obscure sideshow to the blood and gore unfolding constantly on the international stage.

Milosevic's death means that those who bombed Yugoslavia for 78 days beginning 7 years ago this month, killing thousands, will be, once and for all protected from any public scrutiny for their crimes. However opportunistic Milosevic may have been, he would have been one of the few people to appear at the Hague that could have--and would have--laid out these crimes in great detail. Now, there is almost certain to be no condemnation of the US bombing of Radio Television Serbia, killing 16 media workers, the cluster bombing of the Nis marketplace, shredding human beings into meat, the use of depleted uranium munitions and the targeting of petrochemical plants causing toxic and chemical waste to pour into the Danube River. There will be no condemnation of the bombing of Albanian refugees by the US or the deliberate targeting of a civilian passenger train or the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. Milosevic also would have discussed how the US supports a regime in Kosovo that has systematically expelled Serbs, Romas and other ethnic minorities from their homes and burnt down scores of churches. He would have discussed the role of the US in funding and arming the Kosovo Liberation Army, which operates like a death squad and how the new prime minister of Kosovo, Agim Ceku, is a US-trained war criminal who gained infamy in both the Bosnian war and the 1999 Kosovo conflict. And Milosevic would have talked of the US interference in the Yugoslav elections in 2000 and the ultimate neoliberal takeover that was the aim of Clinton's sanctions and 78 days of bombing. In reality, it would have fallen on deaf ears, but it would have been stated for the record.

It is ironic that Milosevic's last legal battle was an attempt to compel his old friend turned nemesis Bill Clinton to testify at his trial. If successful, Milosevic would have grilled the man who was US president through the entire Yugoslav war in what would have been a fiery direct examination. Clinton and Milosevic were once pals who talked collective strategy in the 1990s. Milosevic had many damning stories to tell and, without a doubt, uncomfortable questions to ask Clinton. The judges in Milosevic's case clearly worked to keep those moments from ever happening and the US government made clear its forceful opposition to such subpoenas of US officials, even considering invading a country that would put a US official on trial. With or without Clinton, Milosevic's defense would have brought to light some serious documentation of US war crimes and he died, muzzled, before he really got started.

Little attention, therefore, has been paid to Milosevic's long-term efforts--which predated 9/11, the 1999 NATO bombing and his own trial--to expose the presence of al Qaeda in the Balkans--from Bosnia to Kosovo. With 9/11, Milosevic's talk of al Qaeda was easily dismissed as laughable, pathetic opportunism. But those who followed Milosevic's career and more importantly the events of the 1990s in Yugoslavia know it was none of those. Those allegations were based on true events the US does not want discussed in an international court. Following the defeat of the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s, many Mujahadeen eventually turned their sights on Yugoslavia where they went to fight alongside the Bosnian Muslims against the Orthodox Serbs and Catholic Croats. Once again, the US and bin Laden were on the same team. To this day there are reports of training camps in Bosnia, which remains under occupation. It is also a likely training ground for future blowback.

In his opening statement, Milosevic alluded to some of the information he would introduce during his defense. "In 1998 when [Clinton envoy Richard] Holbrooke visited us in Belgrade, we told him the information we had at our disposal, that in Northern Albania the KLA is being aided by Osama bin Laden, that he was arming, training, and preparing the members of this terrorist organisation in Albania. However, they decided to cooperate with the KLA and indirectly, therefore, with bin Laden, although before that he had bombed the embassies in Kenya and Tanzania [and] had already declared war." Milosevic concluded that "one day all this will have to come to light, these links."

That, however, is unlikely and more so now that Milosevic is dead.

To be sure, there will never be indictments of these US war criminals at the Hague: Bill Clinton, Madeline Albright, Jamie Rubin, William Cohen, Sandy Berger, Richard Holbrooke and Wesley Clark. For many of Serbia's victims of US war crimes, Milosevic's trial was a "Hail Mary" pass, as awful of an historical irony as that is, aimed at someone recognizing their forgotten suffering.

It is a sad testimony to the state of international jurisprudence that after many attempts to find justice, the only hope for US victims in the Yugoslavia wars was the trial defense of a man many of those same victims despised. If there was an independent international court that was recognized and respected by the US, those responsible for bombing Yugoslavia would have been alongside Slobodan Milosevic in the docks these past years instead of having their responsibility being buried with him.

March 12, 2006

H.E. JAMES BISSETT ON HIS LAST MEETING

To be published in the Voice of Canadian Serbs:

H.E. JAMES BISSETT ON HIS LAST MEETING
WITH THE FORMER YUGOSLAV PRESIDENT SLOBODNA MILOSEVIC

March 11, 2006 - Former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic has died in captivity, in his cell in The Hague on March 11.  H.E. James Bissett, former Canada's Ambassador to Yugoslavia from 1990 to 1992, took the stand at the ICTY in The Hague, on February 23 - 24, as a defense witness in the trial of the former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic.
Bissett was the last high-ranking Western diplomat to meet and speak with president Milosevic. In his interview to CKCU's "Monday's Encounter", Bissett talks about his reaction to the news on Milosevic's death and about their last meeting.

"I was shocked and very sorry to hear the news on Milosevic's death," said Bissett. "It means that he will not be able to continue with his testimony and therefore the historical record that he would like very much to have set down during his trial will be incomplete. I am sorry that he died before he could get all the evidence out. Unfortunately now we are not going to hear the Milosevic's story. Anything that is said in his favor we don't hear about. The consequence of that we will only have the legacy that we hear today on BBC or through the Associated Press. The legacy that the US led NATO countries would like to have us believe was the legacy of the beast of the Balkans. We have had a news blackout on all of the evidence in his favor that has been disclosed at The Hague."

Bissett described the former Yugoslav president as quite relaxed and absorbed with his trial, when he last saw Milosevic at The Hague. .

"When I went to see him in the penitentiary in The Hague, said Bissett, "Milosevic was dressed very causally. When I walked into the open area of the prison he was mingling with other prisoners and they were joking and laughing. Actually Seselj was there. His wife and children were visiting him at this time. Milosevic broke away from that group and we carried out our interview in a private room. He was dressed in a simple white tee shirt covered by a plaid shirt, wearing soft slacks, a pair of slippers. He was perfectly relaxed and seemed to be in a good health. In fact during the visit a nurse came in to take his blood pressure. He took his blood pressure and it was 140 over 85. So there was no indication at the first meeting that he was suffering from ill health. He looked good. He had good color. He was relaxed. He had a sense of humor. He was obviously busy trying to prepare for my testimony and he struck me as being reasonable content with the way the trial was going. The following day, however, it was in the afternoon around five o'clock after 2 or 3 hours with him, he suddenly became flushed in the face and clasped his hands to his head. I was startled and asked if he was all right. He answered that he was O.K. and explained that he suffered from a loud ringing sound in his ears that seemed as though he was speaking into an empty pail. He told me that although his blood pressure was under control he had this constant ringing and echoing sounds in his head.
This was caused, he said, by a problem with an artery in his ear. He complained about it before to the Dutch doctors who simply said it was psychological. But after increasing demands they gave him a MRI test and found that indeed he was right there was a problem with the artery in his ear. Artery had a "loop' in it and to correct it  surgery would be necessary. That is why he wanted to go to Moscow to a clinic that specializes in this type of operation. But, as you probably know, the Tribunal refused to allow that," said Bissett.
 
Bissett added that Milosevic "seemed quite relaxed and absorbed with his trial. He told me that he never had to do any of his cocking in the prison or make his own bed or press his cloths because when he would come back from the Tribunal hearings all of that would have been done for him by his fellow prisoners. So it seemed to me that even in prison he commanded a good deal of respect from his fellow prisoners. He certainly did not seem to me in a depressed mood and was in full command in all of his facilities. He was working very hard to set the historical record down in such a way that he would not be made a scapegoat for everything that had gone wrong in the Balkans in the 90's," Bissett said.

Mr. Milosevic chose to defend himself because he did not recognize the authority of the Hague Tribunal.

"Milosevic never referred to judge Robinson as "Your Honor" he always referred to him as Mr. Robinson. His decision to defend himself was based on the fact that he did have legal training and was very intelligent man," said Bissett. "He felt that if he accepted a defense council in the form of a lawyer that he could not really get across the message that he wanted to convey without expressing it personally.  He knew his material. He has done a very good job of cross-examining the prosecution witnesses and destroying many of them who appeared before the Tribunal. He has discounted much of the case against him but the public hears none of this because there seems to be a deliberate news blackout on anything recorded before the Tribunal in his favor. On the other hand I believe it was probably a mistake for him to handle his own defense. He was a politician and not a lawyer and I think that in the court setting he might have been better to have had a first class criminal lawyer represent him. A lawyer who would know all the tricks of cross-examination and the experience of court procedures," opinioned Bissett.

"On the first day he asked me good and short questions, but in the second day, as the day went on, I could see that he was tiring. He was beginning to ask leading and quite long rambling questions. This irritated the judge and he cut him off very often. The Judges accused Milosevic of wasting time and of asking leading questions and not getting to the heart of the matter.'"
said Bissett.


Mr. Bissett met with former president Milosevic in Belgrade several times in his capacity as Ambassador of Canada to Yugoslavia from 1990  -1992. Bisset was of the opinion that Milosevic was a very intelligent and shrewd politician.

"I have described him as someone who was not interested in "Greater Serbia", Bissett continues. "That [the notion that Milosvic worked on creating "Greater Serbia"]  is a complete fantasy. He was not even particularly interested in the welfare of the Serbian people. He was a politician, an old apparatchik, and a communist party boss who had grown up during that period of Yugoslav history, when Tito was in power. He wanted to maintain his power, his prestige and his privileges for himself and his family. He was a very typical soviet- block, Eastern-European communist boss. The politics of those times were rough and not very democratic. There was lot of intrigue, a lot of back room maneuvering and a lot of corruption among the party faithful. Controlling the press and the media was taken for granted.
Milosevic was a product of his time and place. He was an opportunist but in my view certainly not a strong Serb nationalist- not as nearly as much as some of his political opponents. Not nearly as much as Vuk Draskovic was at that time. He was a communist apparatchik, making the reluctant and painful attempt at transition from a communist system to a more democratic form of socialism," said Bissett.

Former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic worked hand in hand with Holbrook, Albright and other Western politicians in brokering peace deals in the war torn former Yugoslav republics. Bissett believes that Milosevic had no desire to see Yugoslavia break apart and got caught up in circumstances.

"Once Slovenia seceded and Croatia started to break away and violence erupted, the federal army was sent in to try in put the rebellion down.
Milosevic who was the president of Serbia at the time was kind of caught in the middle. He did not have a control of the federal Army in those early days. He had some influence, but he had no control over it. It was a federal institution," said Bissett.  "The Army itself was very pro-Yugoslav and did not want to see Yugoslavia break up. It was the federal Prime Minister of Yugoslavia who happened to be a Croatian who ordered the army into Slovenia and Croatia When the republics of Slovenia and Croatia did break away and Bosnia and Macedonia left the federation, Milosevic was left in the position as the leader of Serbia, of having to support the cause of the Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia. With the legacy that those people had experienced during the Second World War the genocide of the Serbs in Croatia particularly but also massacres of Serbs in Bosnia by Croat and Muslim fascist forces, Milosevic had no choice. In the final analysis, however, there are many Serbs who feel that Milosevic let them down and betrayed them," said Bissett.

Milosevic, right from the very beginning, was the key person in the former Yugoslavia who was striving for a peaceful solution to the problems there.

Bissett stated that "Milosevic fully supported the EU initiative to intervene to protect the Serbs in Croatia and to stop the fighting that was going on there. When Milan Babic, who committed suicide just couple a weeks ago, reneged on the agreement to let the EU in, Milosevic disowned him and published a front page article in Politika condemning Babic and in effect forcing him to sign the agreement permitting the EU forces to separate the two sides and to bring the fighting to an end in Croatia. Milosevic was key figure in the negotiation of Vance-Owen plan, the Vance - Stoltenberg plan, and finally the peace agreement at Dayton. Part of the reason for much of the confusion about Milosevic's role is because Holbrook and Americans refused to negotiate directly with the Bosnian or the Croatian Serbs. This forced Milosevic to be interlocutor for those Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia.
This has caused many people to the feel that it was Milosevic who started the war and was responsible for the actions of the Croatian and Bosnian Serbs," said Bissett.

Former Canada's Ambassador to Yugoslavia expressed his dissatisfaction with mainstream media and their reporting about the war in the Balkans.

"When you read Associated Press report on his [Milosevic's] death, it is full of factual errors," continued Bissett. "They say for example that Milosevic sent tanks into Slovenia to secure the borders. He did not. It was Croatian federal PM Ante Markovic, who ordered it. The AP said that Serbs in Croatia were encouraged by Milosevic to take up arms. That is absolute nonsense. He did everything to stop the Serbs in Croatia from fighting with the Croatian forces. The AP said Milosevic responded by sending the Yugoslav army to intervene in Croatia, which was not in accordance with the facts.
Some reports say that he took away Kosovo independence but of course Kosovo never was independent. Many of the media representatives no longer do any research nor do they bother checking the facts. Most of them simply repeat what was said in the past and assume it was true," Bissett said.

At the end the West betrayed Milosevic.

"Holbrook and Albright championed him as the man of peace in 1995,"
continues Bissett. "There was no indictment against Milosevic until the bombing started over Kosovo (in 1999). I do not believe there was any intent to indict Milosevic, Tudgman or Izetbegovic for crimes committed in Bosnia.
When the bombing of Yugoslavia started and public opinion in some of the European countries began to turn against the bombing. The people realized that the whole infrastructure of Yugoslavia was being destroyed. Cluster bombs were dropped over the market place in the city of Nis, cigarette and automobile factories were destroyed, the electrical grid was knocked out, TV stations and passenger trains were targeted, the bridges on the Danube blown down. Public opinion, especially in Germany, began to turn away from the NATO bombing. The leaders of the NATO countries were desperate in trying to find the means of getting the public support back. That was why they persuaded Louse Arbour, the chief prosecutor of the Hague Tribunal to suddenly indict Milosevic for genocide in Kosovo and then later for crimes in Bosnia. It was a convenient thing to do because who could blame NATO for the bombing a country whose leader was a war criminal," Bissett said.

There is a sense of relief in Molosevic's death at The Hague, "because the Tribunal was having a very hard time bringing forth any hard evidence to prove that there was genocide in Kosovo or that Milosevic entered into the criminal conspiracy with Karadzic and Boban to establish a "Greater Serbia, " said Bissett.  " Nevertheless they would have found him guilty of something you may be sure. He was under no illusion that the Tribunal would find him guilty but he wanted to put the facts on the historical record.
Unfortunately this is no longer possible and so it will be  NATO's interpretation of events that the world will have."
"Milosevic will leave a mixed legacy. A lot of Serbs feel that he was the cause of lot of their misery. Whether he made mistakes or not, the people who are paying for those mistakes are indeed the Serbian people," concluded Bissett.

Interviewer BOBA BOROJEVIC
E-mail: ckcuboba@yahoo.ca
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UN war crimes tribunal finds itself in dock over Milosevic death

UN war crimes tribunal finds itself in dock over Milosevic death

The UN war crimes court for the former Yugoslavia has found itself in the dock over the death of Slobodan Milosevic, coming under a barrage of criticism from his family and supporters.

But the Hague-based International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) rejected responsiblity for the former Yugoslav President's death, the fourth detainee to die in custody and the key figure in all the Balkan's conflicts.

"The Hague tribunal has killed my husband," Milosevic's wife Mirjana Markovic was quoted as saying by CNN from Moscow.

The court's judges denied in February a request from the 64-year-old Milosevic, who was suffering from high blood pressure and heart problems, to undergo medical treatment in Moscow.

Despite guarantees from the Russian government that Milosevic would return to stand trial, the judges said there was a risk he would flee and said they saw no reason why Russian doctors could not treat him in the Netherlands.

Milosevic's brother Borislav said the tribunal's judges bore "full responsibility" for his death, according to Russia's Interfax news agency.

The ICTY "is totally discredited, judicially and morally," he said on Russian television.

Zdenko Tomanovic, a legal adviser of Milosevic, said the former Yugoslav president claimed to have been the target of an attempted poisoning.

"Mr Milosevic said there were attempts to poison him in the prison," he told journalists in The Hague.

The ICTY said Serbian experts were to participate in the autopsy Sunday, and Tomanovic said later that the court had approved a request from Milosevic's family for a Russian expert to be present as well.

The court denied it had any responsibility in his death and had neglected to give him adequate care.

"The tribunal has nothing to be blamed for," tribunal spokesman Christian Chartier told AFP.

"The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) takes the utmost care of its indictees and of (Milosevic) in particular," he said.

"We cannot be blamed for negligence."

Milosevic had repeatedly complained the tribunal was trying to kill him, saying the court's doctors did not take good care of him.

His mammoth trial on more than 60 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity for his role in the 1990s Balkan wars had been interrupted over a dozen times since it started in February 2002 because Milosevic fell ill.

The ICTY had come under steady criticism for allowing the trial, in which Milosevic defended himself, to drag on for so long and analysts said his death was a huge blow for the court's other cases.

"According to the indictment, Milosevic held the key to all the conflicts in the Balkans," Ana Uzelac of watchdog organisation Impunity Watch, who followed the Milosevic trial closely, told AFP.

Milosevic's death followed an embarrassment earlier in the week when it was announced that former Croatian Serb leader Milan Babic had committed suicide in the detention centre.

Two other detainees have died in custody: one committed suicide in 1998 and another died of natural causes.

Milosevic's supporters blamed the UN court for his death.

"He was systematically killed by all the years he spent in The Hague and this is a great loss for Serbia, the Serbian people and the Socialist Party of Serbia," said Ivica Dacic, the current leader of Milosevic's Socialist Party.

Serbian newspapers lashed out Sunday, blaming the tribunal for the "murder" of Milosevic.

"The Hague killed Milosevic," said the front pages of both Press and Glas Javnosti, against black backgrounds bearing large pictures of the former Serbian strongman.

"Murdered," said Kurir, another of the Balkan state's lurid dailies.

A senior Russian lawmaker called on the ICTY's judges to resign.

"Those who refused Milosevic permission to come here for treatment should resign," Lyobov Sliska, a leading figure in the pro-Kremlin United Russia party, and a deupty speaker of parliament, was quoted as saying by the Ria-Novosti news agency.

Copyright © 2006 AFP