July 03, 2006

Corrected // Naser Oric, Bosnian Muslim war criminal freed!

 

NO JUSTICE
SCANDALOUS DECISION AT THE U.N. WAR CRIMES TRIBUNAL
Naser Oric, Bosnian Muslim war criminal freed!

Naser ORIC, who was handed a lenient two-year sentence by the ICTY in The
Hague (June 30, 2006) for murder and torture of Serbs and for destruction of
Serbian villages in Eastern Bosnia, was freed since he had been in jail for
more than three years.

The ICTY judges found that between 24 September 1992 and 16 October 1992,
Naser ORIC detained number of Serbs at the Srebrenica Police Station. "He
physically abused them, which included beatings by various objects:
including wooden sticks, wooden poles, steel pipes, metal bars, baseball
bats, rifle butts, bare fists, kicking with boots and forced teeth
extractions with rusty pliers. These beatings and physical abuse caused
severe pain and injuries such as fractured bones, severe injuries to limbs
and broken teeth. On numerous occasions, detainees were beaten into a state
of unconsciousness." Seven detainees were beaten to death. [1]

Muslim armed units under the command of Naser ORIC engaged in various
military operations against the Army of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina forces in Eastern Bosnia. In the course of such operations,
Oric's Muslim armed units in the Municipalities of Bratunac, Srebrenica and
Skelani, burnt and otherwise destroyed and plundered a minimum of fifty
predominantly Serb villages and hamlets. As a result, thousands of Serb
individuals fled the area.

ORIC described theses crimes as his "Greatest hits" while talking to Bill
Schiller of the Toronto Star and showing Schiller his shocking video of what
he and his Muslim army units did to the Serbs. [2]

By sentencing Naser ORIC, a Muslim, to two years in prison for despicable
crimes against the Serbs, the U.N. Tribunal in The Hague encourages those
who want us to believe that Muslims have always been victims in the Balkans.

Srdja Trifkovic stresses in his article " Jihadist hotbed in the Balkans",
that " Western policy in the Balkans should be reappraised because.. [it]..
continue[s] encouraging the Muslim sense of pure victimhood…",  and
"nourishes their hate. The obstacle to doing so is often the apologetics and
the tradition of pro-Muslim appeasement of the Clinton decade; but that
appeasement must stop." [3]

War crimes and crimes against humanity committed against the Serbs by the
Bosnian Muslims, Croats and  Squiptars (Albanians) in the former Yugoslavia
have never been investigated and properly trailed at the ICTY. The Naser
ORIC's sentence proves again that the ICTY at The Hague is incapable of
serving the justice and therefore must be closed.

Source:
[1]  http://www.srebrenica-report.com/Oric2.htm 
 [2] http://www.un.org/icty/indictment/english/ori-2ai041004e.htm
[3] http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/News/Trifkovic04/NewsST011004.html


BOBA BOROJEVIC
ckcuboba@yahoo.ca

Athens fears spread of Balkans turmoil

 

Athens fears spread of Balkans turmoil

By Andrew Borowiec
THE WASHINGTON TIMES
July 3, 2006


NICOSIA, Cyprus -- Greek officials and analysts are increasingly worried about trouble signs in the Balkans, an area remembered for triggering World War I.
    "History lives on in the Balkans, ready to break out in more bloodshed," one Athens analysis has warned.
    Conservative Athens daily Kathimerini ran an article titled "Greece caught in the Balkan maelstrom," which asserted that "hopes for a universal, European equilibrium in the Balkans are fading into the distant future."
    The concern centers on the restive province of Kosovo, formerly one of Yugoslavia's two autonomous regions, now an enclave within Serbia administered by the United Nations.
    With Kosovo's Albanian majority clamoring for independence and Serbs vowing to prevent it, Soren Jessen-Petersen, head of the U.N. mission in Kosovo, cautioned last week that the area could become "a ticking social time bomb, which in time will be impossible to manage."
    Serbia's official position, as summed up by President Boris Tadic, is that "Serbia is dedicated to the preservation of Kosovo as part of Serbia." The Brussels-based International Crisis Group think tank warned of violence if Serbia insisted on this policy.
    Kosovo and its Orthodox shrines have been considered by Serbs as their heartland since the 1389 battle of Kosovo Polje, when an Ottoman Turkish army defeated the Serbian troops of Prince Lazar. The emotional aspect of this claim has affected Belgrade's policy in the area for years.
    Montenegro's independence in May completed the breakup of the six republics that had made up the Yugoslav federation. Serbia, once the dominant power in the Balkans, has yet to come to terms with its diminishing status and the spectacular collapse of the nation-building effort by dictator Josip Broz Tito.
    Events in the former Yugoslavia have left Greece as the "richest and most stable country in the Balkans, but threatened by the fallout of the area's instability," a Western diplomatic assessment said.
    Diplomatic sources say Greece has alerted the European Union to the danger of admitting more Balkan candidates, some of them in the throes of contagious ethnic conflicts.
    Bulgaria and Romania are preparing their EU entry for January, but EU officials in Brussels are not certain of their qualifications. The European Union appears lukewarm to the membership ambitions of such Balkan countries as Montenegro, Macedonia, Albania and Bosnia-Herzegovina.
    Diplomats generally attribute the rising Balkan tensions to Yugoslavia's disintegration after years of forced stability under Mr. Tito's iron fist.
    Albania's chaotic emergence from its longtime communist isolation and its ambition to annex part of Kosovo have added to the tension, with repercussions also expected to affect Macedonia's Slavic and ethnic Albanian populations.

http://www.washtimes.com/world/20060702-102210-8989r.htm

SCANDALOUS DECISION AT THE U.N. WAR CRIMES TRIBUNAL

NO JUSTICE

SCANDALOUS DECISION AT THE U.N. WAR CRIMES TRIBUNAL

Naser Oric, Bosnian Muslim war criminal freed!

July 3, 2006 -- Naser ORIC, who was handed a lenient two-year sentence by
the ICTY in The Hague (June 30, 2006)  for murder and torture of Serbs and
for destruction of Serbian villages in Eastern Bosnia, was freed since he
had been in jail for more than three years.

The ICTY judges found that between 24 September 1992 and 16 October 1992,
Naser ORIC detained number Serbs at the Srebrenica Police Station. He
physically abused them, which included beatings by various objects including
wooden sticks, wooden poles, steel pipes, metal bars, baseball bats, rifle
butts, bare fists, kicking with boots and forced teeth extractions with
rusty pliers. These beatings and physical abuse caused severe pain and
injuries such as fractured bones, severe injuries to limbs and broken teeth.
On numerous occasions, detainees were beaten into a state of
unconsciousness. Seven detainees were beaten to death.

Muslim armed units und the command of Naser ORIC engaged in various military
operations against the Army of the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and
Herzegovina forces in Eastern Bosnia. In the course of such operations,
Oric's Muslim armed units in the Municipalities of Bratunac, Srebrenica and
Skelani, burnt and otherwise destroyed and plundered a minimum of fifty
predominantly Serb villages and hamlets. As a result, thousands of Serb
individuals fled the area.

ORIC described theses crimes as his "Greatest hits" while talking to Bill
Schiller of the Toronto Star and showing Schiller his shocking video of what
he and his Muslim army units did to the Serbs.

War crimes and crimes against humanity committed against the Serbs by the
Bosnian Muslims, Croats and  Squiptars (Albanians) in the former Yugoslavia
have never been investigated and properly trailed at the ICTY. The Naser
ORIC's sentence proves again that the ICTY at The Hague is incapable of
serving the justice and therefore must be closed.



BOBA BOROJEVIC
Source:  http://www.srebrenica-report.com/Oric2.htm
http://www.un.org/icty/indictment/english/ori-2ai041004e.htm

Officer gets two years for ignoring Srebrenica atrocities

 
 

Officer gets two years for ignoring Srebrenica atrocities
Saturday, July 01, 2006
Arthur Max
Associated Press

Amsterdam, Netherlands - A former police officer who commanded troops defending the Bosnian Muslim enclave of Srebrenica was handed a lenient two-year sentence Friday for failing to prevent murder and torture of Serb captives.

The U.N. war crimes tribunal, which imposed the sentence, ordered Naser Oric's immediate re lease since he has been in jail for more than three years.

Oric, 39, was acquitted of direct involvement in the murder of prisoners in the early years of the 1992-95 Bosnia war. But the court found he had closed his eyes to their mistreatment and failed to punish their killers.

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The three judges of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia acquitted him of all charges related to the wanton destruction of Serb villages.

The trial was closely watched in the Balkans. Muslims, who hail Oric as a war hero for his three-year defense of the enclave against Serb forces, had anticipated exoneration.

Serbs had hoped a conviction would counterbalance earlier judgments that found Bosnian Serbs guilty of genocide at Srebrenica. More than 8,000 Muslims were slaughtered there in one week in July 1995, Europe's worst civilian massacre since the Holocaust.

Prosecutors had sought an 18-year prison term. Defense lawyers said any punishment would be inappropriate.

The judges found that during two periods in 1992 and 1993, Oric's troops battered Serb prisoners with wooden planks, iron rods and baseball bats, and pulled the teeth of some of them with rusty pliers. At least six prisoners died in custody.

Oric should have known the prisoners were at risk and taken steps to prevent their mistreat ment, the judgment said. But the judges said they unanimously decided on leniency because of the untenable situation in the besieged town.

Oric, then 25, was responsible for a population swelled by refugees, without food, and in charge of ill-equipped and poorly trained forces. He had no military or administrative experience, his authority was scorned by other Muslim leaders and he had no communications with his superiors outside the area, the judges found.

"It was a continuous uphill struggle that, in actual fact, achieved very few results," the verdict said.

Bosnian Serbs denounced the sentence as "a farce," while some Muslims survivors of Srebrenica were disappointed he was found guilty of anything. In Belgrade, Serbia's President Boris Tadic called the sentence "scandalous."

"People who steal at supermarkets are given two-year prison sentences," Tadic said.

http://www.cleveland.com/news/plaindealer/index.ssf?/base/news/1151754912315440.xml&coll=2

July 02, 2006

Officer gets two years for ignoring Srebrenica atrocities

Officer gets two years for ignoring Srebrenica atrocities
Saturday, July 01, 2006

Arthur MaxAssociated Press

Amsterdam, Netherlands - A former police officer who commanded troops defending the Bosnian Muslim enclave of Srebrenica was handed a lenient two-year sentence Friday for failing to prevent murder and torture of Serb captives.
The U.N. war crimes tribunal, which imposed the sentence, ordered Naser Oric's immediate re lease since he has been in jail for more than three years.
Oric, 39, was acquitted of direct involvement in the murder of prisoners in the early years of the 1992-95 Bosnia war. But the court found he had closed his eyes to their mistreatment and failed to punish their killers.
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The three judges of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia acquitted him of all charges related to the wanton destruction of Serb villages.
The trial was closely watched in the Balkans. Muslims, who hail Oric as a war hero for his three-year defense of the enclave against Serb forces, had anticipated exoneration.
Serbs had hoped a conviction would counterbalance earlier judgments that found Bosnian Serbs guilty of genocide at Srebrenica. More than 8,000 Muslims were slaughtered there in one week in July 1995, Europe's worst civilian massacre since the Holocaust.
Prosecutors had sought an 18-year prison term. Defense lawyers said any punishment would be inappropriate.
The judges found that during two periods in 1992 and 1993, Oric's troops battered Serb prisoners with wooden planks, iron rods and baseball bats, and pulled the teeth of some of them with rusty pliers. At least six prisoners died in custody.
Oric should have known the prisoners were at risk and taken steps to prevent their mistreat ment, the judgment said. But the judges said they unanimously decided on leniency because of the untenable situation in the besieged town.
Oric, then 25, was responsible for a population swelled by refugees, without food, and in charge of ill-equipped and poorly trained forces. He had no military or administrative experience, his authority was scorned by other Muslim leaders and he had no communications with his superiors outside the area, the judges found.
"It was a continuous uphill struggle that, in actual fact, achieved very few results," the verdict said.
Bosnian Serbs denounced the sentence as "a farce," while some Muslims survivors of Srebrenica were disappointed he was found guilty of anything. In Belgrade, Serbia's President Boris Tadic called the sentence "scandalous."
"People who steal at supermarkets are given two-year prison sentences," Tadic said.
http://www.cleveland.com/news/plaindealer/index.ssf?/base/news/1151754912315440.xml&coll=2

Kosovo a Serbian Jerusalem

Bishop Artemy calls Kosovo a Serbian Jerusalem

Moscow, June 29, Interfax - Administrator of the Raska and Prizren diocese of the Serbian church bishop Artemy called Kosovo �a spiritual and cultural cradle� of the Serbs, �a Serbian Jerusalem.��The entire Serbia is a church, while Kosovo is this church�s sanctuary,� the hierarch said at the divine worship in the Gracanica monastery, Vremya Novostey daily writes on Thursday. Serbian prime minister Vojislav Kostunica visited the monastery last Wednesday. He met with the leaders of the Serbian community and had a meal with the brethren. His visit was timed to the anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo between the Serbs and the Turks on 28 June 1389.An expert of the Serbian Academy of Sciences Institute of History Slavenco Terzic said that the defeat of the Serbs tragic implications for the entire Balkan region.He noted that the Ottoman yoke had delivered a �strong blow on the rich heritage of the Christian nations in the Balkans. Their political, social and cultural elite was exterminated, and medieval towns, Orthodox churches and other monuments of culture had been destroyed.�The tragedy was exacerbated by the fact that the coming of the Ottoman Empire to the Balkans �had brought about contacts of the Balkan people with the militarized branch of Islam, rather then with high achievements of the Arab Muslim civilization,� the scholar added. Deputy director of the Institute of Slavonic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences Dr. of history Andrey Shemyakin said that from historical perspective Kosovo was indeed the cradle of the Serbian statehood and Orthodox culture. �If these are taken away from the Serbs, they will never accept it and will be quite right,� he underscored. Serbian Jerusalem
http://www.interfax-religion.com/?act=news&div=1642

Making the Belgrade

Making the Belgrade

By Andrea SachsWashington Post Staff Writer

Sunday, July 2, 2006; Page P03

Q. I will be attending classes in Belgrade. What destinations outside of the city should I see?
Jodi Winship, Arlington
With its cafes, nightclubs and 7,000-year-old history, the Serbian capital never sleeps. But for a break from urban life, just follow the Danube. "There is plenty to see in Belgrade," says Kathy Kutrubes, who runs Kutrubes Travel (800-878-8566, http://www.kutrubestravel.com/ ), a Boston travel agency specializing in the Balkans. "Outside is more of a rural atmosphere."
One of Serbia's best-known destinations is Novi Sad, the capital of Vojvodina province that sits on the river and is crammed with attractions, such as the Petrovardin fortress. Near the city lies Fruska Gora, a national park lush with orchids and linden trees, as well as boars and lynx. Also stop by Sremski Karlovi, home of the 18th-century Grammar School and the art-filled Orthodox Church.
Grab a meal at a salas, wealthy estates offering food, lodging, music and more. "Spending time on salas (one of them is Salas 84) is a unique experience," Serbian Embassy spokeswoman Jelena Cukic Matic said by e-mail, "and worth keeping your stomach empty during the day."
Belgrade has a beach on an artificial lake, but for wild water, go rafting down the Ibar River, which streams past the medieval city of Maglic. If "Black Beauty" is more your scene, the 227-year-old Zobnatica horse farm offers forest rides and the Museum of Horse Breeding. Fifty miles south of Belgrade is Topola, whose distractions include the prehistoric Risovaca cave; the Park of Bukovicka Banja and its sculpture garden; and the village of Orasac, which honors the first Serbian uprising against the Turks. When it's meal time, pair such specialties as Karadjordje's steak (stuffed and fried pork or veal) with local wine: The Oplenac Wine Route features wines that have been compared with French vintages.
For more quietude than cocktails, overnight at a monastery, such as Soko Grad. Find more holy centers in Kraljevo, including the UNESCO-protected Studenica. The region also touts earthly retreats: The Vrnjacka spa, for instance, is Serbia's largest modern spa, with mineral springs and treatments.
Info: Embassy of the Republic of Serbia/ National Tourism Organization of Serbia, 202-332-0333, http://www.yuembusa.org/eng%20.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wpdyn/content/article/2006/06/30/AR2006063000269.html

Lighting up the world -- again

Lighting up the world -- again

KEVIN CHONG

Globe and Mail Update

Nikola Tesla harnessed the alternating current, invented radio technology and patented 700 inventions, including the wireless remote control and spark plugs. But by 1943, the inventor died alone of a heart attack in a New York hotel room -- a fringe figure, an also-ran in the scientific community. He was impoverished, obsessed with the number three and saw the Nobel Prize awarded to another man for an invention he had created years earlier.
"Nikola Tesla's ideas," The New York Times wrote in his obituary, "bordered increasingly on what some considered the fantastic as he advanced in age." Still, as Tesla once insisted: "The present is theirs, the future is mine."
That future, it seems, is now. This year -- the 150th anniversary of Tesla's birth -- Belgrade International Airport will be renamed the Nikola Tesla Airport. On the Canadian side of Niagara Falls, a statue will be unveiled to honour the man whose work enabled the construction of the world's first hydroelectric power plant. And starting this month, scientists from around the world are recognizing Tesla at conferences in Serbia, Croatia, Australia, Canada and the United States.
Tesla is also the mad scientist of choice among hipsters. He's appeared in novels, plays, an opera and a Japanese manga comic and is the subject of numerous songs -- including a few by a popular 1980s band named after him. In Jim Jarmush's 2004 film Coffee and Cigarettes musician Jack White demonstrates the Tesla coil. Later this year, David Bowie will play the Serbian-American in The Prestige, a film directed by Christopher Nolan (Memento, Batman Begins).
On the stroke of midnight July 9, 1856, Tesla was born to Serbian parents in Smiljan, Lika, in what is now Croatia. His father was a Serbian-Orthodox priest; his mother was the inventor of a number of household appliances including the mechanical eggbeater.
Tesla's own ability to visualize inventions in precise detail started in early childhood. When he saw a steel engraving of Niagara Falls, for instance, he imagined a wheel being turned by the water -- thirty years before a hydroelectric plant became reality.
After studying mechanics, physics and engineering in Austria and Czechoslovakia, Tesla worked as an electrical engineer in Hungary and France. He then emigrated to New York in 1884, where he joined Thomas Edison's laboratory.
Within a year the two had split over the alternating current. Edison tried to show the dangers of AC by using it to electrocute dogs and horses in public exhibitions. Tesla later responded with a demonstration at the 1893 World's Fair in Chicago. As Paul Auster writes in his novel Moon Palace, Tesla -- who was 6 foot 6 and cut an impressive figure in a black Prince Albert coat and derby hat -- performed "magic tricks with electricity, spinning little metal eggs around the table, shooting sparks out of his fingertips."
Tesla won the "war of the currents," of course. The industrialist George Westinghouse eventually purchased the patent for AC power. And as W. Bernard Carlson, a history professor at the University of Virginia who's writing a biography of Tesla, says, "He was as popular, if not more, than Edison."
Other battles proved more challenging. Though Tesla invented the radio in 1895, Guglielmo Marconi -- who used one of Tesla's oscillators to send signals across the English Channel -- snagged the patent in 1904 and later won the Nobel Prize. Despite a U.S. Supreme Court ruling that awarded the patent posthumously to Tesla in 1943, Marconi continues to be considered the father of the airwaves.
Radio proved problematic in other ways, too. In 1899, while experimenting with high-voltage, high-frequency electrical currents on a high plateau in Colorado, Tesla believed he received radio signals from aliens. This made him a laughingstock among his peers (though it did inspire cults who believed Tesla himself was an alien).
Tesla's reputation might not have deteriorated over his lifetime if his financial savvy was anywhere close to his scientific genius. Marconi, a wealthy Italian nobleman, had strong financial backing for his quest to win the radio patent. Tesla was so inept in his finances that he tore up his royalty agreements with Westinghouse -- foregoing millions -- when the industrialist went through a temporary financial crisis brought on by the costly P.R. battle with Edison.
Money troubles also prevented Tesla from continuing research on one of his great obsessions: the wireless transmission of electricity. Tesla's dream was to provide energy freely to everyone, but because financiers did not see much profit in this utopian scheme, the deed to his laboratory had to be sold to settle debts.
Tesla's revival first picked up steam around the 1980s, when his outlandish claims begun to make sense to scientists. Take those alien signals. Dr. Jasmina Vujic, a nuclear engineering professor at UC Berkeley says, "We now know that many stars -- pulsars -- do emit radio emissions."
Science historians also noted that Tesla's work on a "death ray" -- a final project that he claimed could destroy 10,000 airplanes from 260 miles away and that he hoped would end all war -- was similar to Ronald Reagan's Space Defence Initiative or "Star Wars" project. (Conspiracy theorists point out that, after Tesla's death, J. Edgar Hoover's FBI confiscated his research and other belongings.)
Tesla's work on robotics and wireless communications networks have proved prescient as well. And his designs for a bladeless turbine and a pump without any moving parts (modelled after a diode) still intrigue contemporary engineers. "I would say that most of Tesla's concepts have been built upon and extended," says Todd Wilkie, an electrical engineer who's worked with Intel.
According to Mr. Carlson, Tesla is especially relevant in 2006 because "technology is dehumanizing; it debases us. Tesla allows people to celebrate technological progress in a very intuitive, spiritual way."
Moreover, Tesla is a unifying figure in the Balkans. Serbia and Croatia both regard him as a "native son." He appears on the Serbian 100-dinar banknote. He's also been commemorated with his own stamp in the United States, and societies of Tesla admirers burnish his memory in over 20 countries -- including Greece, Brazil and Korea. The scientific community has even honoured him by naming a unit of magnetic-flux density, which is used to calibrate MRI machines, "the tesla."
Then there's the alternating current. Dr. Alan Bristow, a researcher in physics at the University of Toronto says, "AC motors are the workhorse of modern-day society, without which we would not have most of our household appliances or any forms of modern industry."
As for Tesla's presence in pop culture? "He was an inventor and an artist," says playwright Kevin Kerr, who co-wrote Brilliant, a play about Tesla. "He loved beautiful things. The objects he designed were highly practical and usually revolutionary inventions, but they also always had to be aesthetically pleasing."
The story of a visionary who died with his genius unrecognized is of obvious interest to artists too. Tesla appears as a doomed romantic figure in the Handsome Family song Tesla's Hotel Room. The inventor's final days are elegiacally called "the last days of wonder, when spirits still flew/round bubbling test tubes in half-darkened rooms."
In the end, it's not Tesla's now-recognized achievements that capture the public imagination, but his failures -- so idealistically and extravagantly conceived -- and his bold unfulfilled promise.
Kevin Chong is a Vancouver novelist and freelance writer.
> <http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20060701.wxtesla01
> /EmailBNStory/Science/home

Kosovo will always be ours, says Serb PM

Kosovo will always be ours, says Serb PM

Patrick Bishop, Gracanica, SerbiaJune 30, 2006

AN emotional show of defiance against the outside world, the Serb Prime Minister has insisted that Kosovo will always belong to the Serbs.
Vojislav Kostunica made his declaration outside a 14th century monastery on Wednesday, the holiday of Vidovdan or St Vitus' Day when Serbs remember a centuries-old battle.
He spoke to an anxious crowd of about 1000, some of the few Serbs remaining in the province since NATO invaded in 1999 to rescue the Albanian majority.
"Kosovo has always been and always will be part of Serbia," he said to cheers in the town of Gracanica, in a Serb enclave of Kosovo. However, he emphasised his "willingness to talk, to negotiate and to compromise".
Serbia is in the midst of a diplomatic offensive aimed at retaining sovereignty over the province, which it regards as the cradle of the nation. Mr Kostunica, a nationalist but also a sincere democrat, has just been in London to meet British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
Belgrade's offer of autonomy has failed to attract any support from the 90 per cent Albanian population, who are increasingly frustrated at their lack of progress towards full independence.
The Serb Government has been accused by the UN, which administers the province, of promoting ethnic tensions in an attempt to hang on to Kosovo.
On the grimmest day in the Serb calendar, one Bosnian Serb recalled his nation's epic defeat more than 600 years ago as if it occurred within his memory.
"We were defending all of Europe, trying to save Christianity," Dejan said of the 14th-century battle of Kosovo, at which the Balkans fell to the Turks. "We were betrayed."
Montenegro abandoned its union with Serbia last month and declared independence. Kosovo is also being taken away. The country's negotiations to join the European Union have been suspended.
The country is at a crossroads.
TELEGRAPH, GUARDIAN
http://www.theage.com.au/news/world/kosovo-will-always-be-ours-says-serb-pm/2006/06/29/1151174331969.html#

June 26, 2006

Handke: Send my award to the Serbs

Handke: Send my award to the Serbs

http://www.kosovo.net/news/archive/2006/June_24/1.html

KiM Info Newsletter24-06-06Peter Handke: Send my award to the SerbsPeter Handke has once again shocked the German public but this time in such a way that not even the most extreme do not dare criticize him for it. He has given up the alternative Heinrich Heine award that the actors and intellectuals of Berlin wished to bestow upon him in favor of the Serbs of Kosovo, who live "surrounded by barbed wire and tanks".www.novosti.co.yu
Vecernje Novosti daily, BelgradeJune 24, 2006By D. Sekulic, June 23, 2006Peter Handke has once again shocked the German public but this time in such a way that not even the most extreme do not dare criticize him for it. He has given up the alternative Heinrich Heine award that the actors and intellectuals of Berlin wished to bestow upon him in favor of the Serbs of Kosovo, who live "surrounded by barbed wire and tanks".The Berlin Ensemble, headed by the also frequently controversial Klaus Peymann, the famous former head of the Vienna Burgtheater, recently organized donations with the help of numerous actors to award Handke an alternative Heinrich Heine award in the amount of 50,000 euros. The highly prestigious German language award was awarded to Peter Handke by an expert jury in Dusseldorf but the city council refused to accept its decision, stating quite literally that the award could not go to a writer who is of pro-Serb orientation!The case provoked spirited discussion and many concluded that it represented an instance of brutal political censure of literature. Local politicians are judging one of the greatest living writers in the German language, warned eminent intellectuals, among them some, like Nobel laureate Gunther Grass who at one time advocated the bombing of Serbia.At the same time Handke informed Peymann and his friends that he is renouncing the alternative award as well because, as he had previously stated, he did not wish his work to be the subject of meddling by local politicians. The money that they collect should be sent to the Serb enclaves in Kosovo and Metohija to people who are living under impossible conditions thanks to the supporters of "freedom" imposed upon them by NATO bombs.Grass dismisses juryIn Dusseldorf it has now been openly admitted that the decision really was of a political nature and that the Heinrich Heine award allegedly has a clearly political character. In response to this, Grass, who is highly influential, has sent a request that in the future the city council be stripped of the right to approve or reject the decision of the expert jury.--------------------------------------------------------------------------------Related article:Disputed Author Handke Awarded German Literary PrizeDEUTSCE WELLE25.05.2006Gro�ansict des Bildes mit der Bildunterscrift: Austrian writer Peter Handke is controversial because of his stance on SerbiaControversial Austrian playwright and novelist Peter Handke was awarded the city of D�seldorf's Heine Prize for literature.The Heine Prize, endowed for 50,000 euros ($64,000), is one of the three highest-paying literature prizes in Germany. The jury said Handke -- like Heinric Heine, the German poet after whom the prize is named -- obstinately follows the way to an "open truth." He puts forth his own poetic world view, in contrast to broader public opinion, they said. The prize will be awared on Dec. 13.Handke wrote the groundbreaking experimental play "Offending the Audience" and the novel "The Goalie's Anxiety at the Penalty Kick", but may be best know for writing the novel "Wings of Desire", whic was turned into a film by Wim Wenders.Pro-Serbian stanceHe is controversial because of his pro-Serbian stance during the Balkan wars, and his support for the Serbian regime.Recently, Frenc national theatre Com�die-Fran�aise removed the play "Voyage to the Sonorous Land or the Art of Asking" from its 2007 season lineup, after Handke spoke at the burial of former Serbian dictator Slobodan Milosevic in Marc.Handke, who lives in France, said in an esay in the Frenc newspaper Lib�ration: "Let's stop laying the masacre . on the backs of the Serbian military and paramilitary. And listen -- at last -- to the survivors of the Muslim masacres in numerous Serbian villages around Srebrenica."'Glad' aceptanceLast year, Handke's publisher, Suhrkamp Verlag, said the author would categorically refuse any more literature prizes; in Paris, however, Handke said he would "gladly" acept the Heine Prize.Up to now, winners of the Heine Prize have included Walter Jens, G�nter Kunert, Max Frisc, Wolf Biermann, Hans Magnus Enzensberger, Elfriede Jelinek und Robert Gernhardt.

Balkan Gains in Peril

Balkan Gains in Peril
By Gordon N. Bardos
Sunday, June 25, 2006; B07

The Bush administration is facing a moment of truth in the Balkans. Montenegro's newly declared independence, the decision on Kosovo's future status expected later this year and ongoing efforts to promote constitutional reform in Bosnia-Herzegovina all bring sharply into focus the irreconcilability of two administration goals: disengagement from the Balkans (so full attention can be given to Afghanistan and the Middle East) and the obligation to manage the political and security changes facing southeastern Europe in the near future.Given the European Union's problems -- an economic downturn in much of the eurozone, weak leadership in Italy and Germany, lame-duck leaders in Britain and France, and enlargement fatigue -- expecting the alliance to provide serious leadership in the region over the next few years is unrealistic.The disintegration of Serbia-Montenegro is only the first of many important changes the region confronts. Montenegro's declaration of independence on June 3 from its union with Serbia was a considerable success for its top politician, Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic. But the independence referendum campaign and its outcome revealed the deep divisions within Montenegrin society. While the referendum passed by a 55 to 45 percent margin, in real terms the difference between the pro-independence and anti-independence blocs (roughly 45,000 votes) was less than the number of people in Yankee Stadium on a Sunday afternoon. Voters identifying themselves as Montenegrins, Albanians, or Muslims voted overwhelmingly in favor of independence, while Montenegrin citizens identifying themselves as Serbs -- more than 30 percent of the population -- voted just as strongly for maintaining the union. These divisions, coupled with an economy in which less than 20 percent of the population is officially employed, suggest future Montenegrin politics could be bitter and divisive.Independent Montenegro faces two important challenges. The first is healing the wounds of the independence campaign and fostering an atmosphere in which the Serb population will be able to play a constructive role in political life. The second is satisfying the demands of Montenegro's ethnic minorities now that the terms of the political game in the country are changed. For several years Djukanovic has enjoyed the support of Albanian and Muslim minorities because they supported his campaign to break the tie with Serbia. Now that this has been achieved, ethnic minorities are likely to up the ante and begin seeking increased cultural and territorial autonomy within the new state. Montenegrin politics could begin to resemble the difficult, ethnically based politics of Bosnia-Herzegovina or Macedonia, which would hamper the country's Euro-Atlantic integration efforts down the road.The spillover effects of Montenegro's independence referendum are already evident. Serb leaders in Bosnia have aired the possibility of holding their own independence referendum, while some Bosnian Muslim politicians have started calling for the Bosnian Serb republic to be eliminated altogether. Either action would mean, in effect, scrapping the Dayton Accords, which have kept the peace in Bosnia since 1995. In Serbia, support for extreme nationalist parties is rising and likely to increase still more if, as is widely expected, Kosovo is granted some form of independence later in the year. In Kosovo, recent reports by the United Nations and Human Rights Watch on corruption in political life and the absence of the rule of law show that place is a long way from becoming a stable democratic polity.All of this suggests how easy it would be, absent strong U.S. leadership, for events to spin out of control and erase 10 years of efforts to stabilize the region. In such an unstable political climate, statements by U.S. policymakers about their eagerness to pull U.S. troops out of the Balkans and turn the job over to the Europeans only embolden extremists. Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia and Serbia are all gearing up for elections, and moderate political forces in these countries need U.S. support now to convince their electorates that the difficult choices being made to adopt economic and political reforms will pay off in the near future, not two or three electoral cycles down the line. The assassination of former Serbian prime minister Zoran Djindjic in March 2003 is a tragic reminder of the great personal risks reformers throughout southeastern Europe are taking. They need and deserve U.S. understanding and support.By visiting Baghdad this month, President Bush sent a strong personal message to Iraqis that the United States intends to support their country until its transition to democracy is completed. The administration should send a similar message to both extremists and moderates in the Balkans that the United States will actively lead the effort to integrate all the countries of southeastern Europe into both NATO and the European Union -- and that it won't pull out until the job is done.

The writer is assistant director of the Harriman Institute at Columbia University's School of International and Public Affairs. He also serves as a Balkans analyst for Freedom House.
http://kosovareport.blogspot.com/2006/06/balkan-gains-in-peril.html

June 16, 2006

The Coming of the Micro-States


The Coming of the Micro-States

By Fred Weir

Christian Science Monitor

June 5, 2006

As goes Montenegro, so goes Kosovo, Transdniestria, and South Ossetia?

As Montenegro officially declared independence this weekend, accepting the world's welcome into the community of nations, a handful of obscure "statelets" are demanding the same opportunity to choose their own destinies. In the latest example, Transdniestria, a Russian-speaking enclave that won de facto independence in the early 1990s, declared last week that it will hold a Montenegro-style referendum in September as part of its campaign for statehood.

Experts fear that many "frozen conflicts" around the world - in which a territory has gained de facto independence through war but failed to win international recognition - could reignite as ethnic minorities demand the same right to self-determination that many former Yugoslav territories have been offered by the international community.

Even more significant than Montenegro's rise to statehood would be the international community's acceptance of Kosovo's bid for independence. The province of Serbia was seized by NATO in 1999. Ongoing talks discussing that possibility are being watched with intense interest by rebel statelets. But as tiny, newly independent states such as East Timor find themselves mired in ethnic violence, international observers are wary of the implications of such a move.

"If Kosovo becomes independent, this precedent will cause further fragmentation of the global order and lead to the creation of more unviable little states," predicts Dmitri Suslov, an analyst with the independent Council on Foreign and Defense Policy in Moscow.

Russia has backed the emergence of several pro-Moscow separatist enclaves in the post-Soviet region, as a means of keeping pressure on defiant neighbors, but has so far been deterred from granting them official recognition by international strictures against changing the borders of existing states. Montenegro's successful May 21 vote of independence from Yugoslavia - recognized by the world community - has encouraged others' thoughts of following the same path.

The United Nations Charter mentions both the right of "self-determination" of peoples and the "territorial integrity" of states as bedrock principles of the world order. But these principles come into conflict when a separatist minority threatens to rupture an existing country. Russia, which has a score of ethnic "republics," including an active rebellion in Chechnya, has long championed the "territorial integrity" side of the equation. But the Kremlin's emphasis, at least regarding some of its neighbors, appears to be shifting.

"If such precedents are possible [in the former Yugoslavia], they will also be precedents in the post-Soviet space," President Vladimir Putin told journalists Friday. "Why can Albanians in Kosovo have independence, but [Georgian breakaway republics] South Ossetia and Abkhazia can't? What's the difference?"

When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, all of its 15 major republics gained their freedom and basked in the glow of global acceptance. But within some of those new states, smaller ethnic groups raised their own banners of rebellion. In the early 1990s, two "autonomous republics" in Georgia - Abkhazia and South Ossetia - defeated government forces with Russian assistance and established regimes that are effectively independent but stuck in legal limbo because they remain officially unrecognized, even by Moscow. The Russian-speaking province of Transdniestria, aided by the Russian 14th army, similarly broke away from the ethnically Romanian republic of Moldova. The Armenian-populated enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan fell under Armenian control after a savage war; and rebels in Russia's southern republic of Chechnya briefly won de facto independence in the late '90s after crushing Russian forces on the battlefield.

In all of these cases, the international principle respecting the "territorial integrity" of existing states has so far trumped the yearning of small nationalities for their own statehood. Citing that rule, Moscow launched a brutal military campaign in 1999 that has since largely succeeded in reintegrating Chechnya as a province of Russia.

But Russia's relations with Georgia, Moldova, and Azerbaijan have soured in recent years, as those countries have broken from Moscow's orbit and charted a more pro-West course. That, plus the precedents being set in the former Yugoslavia, has led some nationalist politicians in Moscow to demand the Kremlin salvage what influence it can in the region by granting recognition - or even membership in the Russian Federation - to some of those breakaway entities.

Transdniestria has already signed an economic pact with Moscow that will allow the tiny but heavily-industrialized territory to sell its goods in Russia and eventually join the Russian ruble's currency zone. Also in the focus of Russia's changing policies are the breakaway Georgian republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

"Russia needs to be more active in solving the problems of Abkhazia and South Ossetia," says Igor Panarin, a professor at the official Diplomatic Academy in Moscow, which trains Russian diplomats. "Both the people and governments of [these statelets] want to join Russia, and there's every legal reason for them to do so. Polls show the majority of Russians support this, too."

Eduard Kokoity, president of the Georgian breakaway republic of South Ossetia, said last week he will ask Russia to annex his statelet, which has existed in legal limbo since driving out Georgian forces in a bitter civil war in the early '90s. "In the nearest future, we will submit documents to the Russian Constitutional Court proving the fact that South Ossetia joined the Russian Empire together with North Ossetia as an indivisible entity and never left Russia," Mr. Kokoity said.

South Ossetia, with a population of about 70,000, is ethnically and geographically linked with the Russian Caucasus republic of North Ossetia. Experts say there is a local campaign, supported by Russian nationalists, to join the two territories into a new Moscow-ruled republic that would be named "Alania" - the ancient name of the Ossetian nation. "South Ossetia really wants to join Russia, and I wouldn't rule this out as a long-term prospect," says Suslov.

Abkhazia, a sub-tropical Black Sea enclave, expelled its Georgian residents during the 1992-93 civil war, and now is home to about 200,000 ethnic Abkhaz who eke out a living exporting fruit to Russia and welcoming the few Russian tourists that visit each year.

Georgians cry foul, and complain the entire issue is a made-in-Moscow land grab. "South Ossetia and Abkhazia were created as a Bolshevik divide-and-rule device to control Georgia, and they are still being used that way," says Alexander Rondeli, president of the Strategic and International Studies Foundation, an independent think tank based in the Georgian capital, Tbilisi. "What is actually going on is the de facto annexation of these territories by Russia. Since Russia is strong, the Western powers let it do whatever it wants."

Many Western experts argue that the process of dismantling the former Yugoslavia is a unique event, directly supervised by the UN and carried out with a maximum of democratic safeguards. If Russia acts alone in its region, it risks alienating the world and multiplying regional conflicts. "This is a double-edged sword," says Ariel Cohen, a senior researcher at the Heritage Foundation in Washington. "By recognizing Moscow-supported statelets, Russia would perpetuate frictions for decades to come. Post-Soviet borders should remain inviolate. This would save a lot of headaches, first of all for Russia itself."

But for now, the mood in Moscow appears to be hardening. "We disagree with the concept that Kosovo is a unique case, because that runs counter to the norms of international law," Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Vladimir Titov warned in an interview with Vremya Novostei, a Russian newspaper, last week. "The resolution on Kosovo will create a precedent in international law that will later be applied to other frozen conflicts."


Shortcut to: http://www.globalpolicy.org/nations/micro/2006/0605weir.htm



RACAK... There you go again!

 


 

Mr Kamm,
You know for a fact that Racak was a massacre. Please show your evidence and show it now. It's no good parroting Walker and Holebrooke. They're going to be honorary ambassadors to Kosovo before you get a look in, that is, while they are useful and then the Albanian mafia will see them off. Only a total ignoramous would have made such a statement about Racak. The Finnish phorensic team, headed by Helena Ranta put together a report which is "secret" even today. Now, I would ask myself why this report is being repressed. By the way. The bodies in Racak were of ONE woman, ONE boy and the rest were men of fighting age. Thirty seven of these had powder burns on their hands which would have indicated everywhere else, except in Kosovo, that these men held weapons and fired them. Ranta said of the powder burns:

"Ranta rejected the findings, pointing out that they were based on a paraffin test which had been used already in the 1930s, and which she did not consider reliable. Ranta's group did not conduct any powder burn tests, because they were not able to study the bodies until a week after the victims had died. She said that such tests should be conducted within three to six hours after the shots had been fired."http://www2.hs.fi/english/archive/news.asp?id=20030313IE2

So the question is Mr. Kamm, why were these bodies not examined immediately? Walker "found" them. Why didn't he demand an autopsy there and then?

I am not a fan of Chomsky, I saw through him a long time ago. Anyone who supports the bombing of innocent civilians and does not speak up deserves nothing but contempt. You, on the other hand embrace it totally, so much so that you will go to any lengths to explain your weird views. The world is, indeed, a dangerous place with people such as yourself, in it.

Sincerely,
B. Perry



What Kosovo Can Do for the Former Soviet States

Not a Precedent, but an Opportunity

By Oksana Antonenko

Special to Russia Profile


What Kosovo Can Do for the Former Soviet States

Over the course of this year, the international community aims to complete negotiations over the final status of Kosovo, which has remained in flux since NATO’s 1999 bombing campaign. Since that time, Kosovo has remained territorially a part of Serbia and Montenegro, but has been governed by the United Nations Interim Administration for Kosovo. As a result, Kosovo remains a politically dysfunctional and economically devastated region, where unemployment runs at over 40 percent and relations between ethnic Albanians and Serbs are still defined by hostility. This situation provides the most powerful argument for granting Kosovo new internationally recognized status. In its current form, Kosovo has no prospects for progressing towards greater stability, democracy and prosperity. A new, internationally recognized status will allow the people of Kosovo to take responsibility for their own future, while introducing clear and strict conditions that will guide future international engagement and assistance. These conditions include the development of democratic institutions, including respect for minority rights.

While the United States and the EU have pushed for international recognition of Kosovo’s independence, Russia has traditionally supported Serbia’s territorial integrity, with Kosovo as an integral part. Recently, however, Moscow has indicated a change in its policy, opening a path towards conditional recognition of Kosovo’s independence. These conditions were advanced by President Vladimir Putin in January, when he said that any future recognition of Kosovo’s independence will create a precedent which could be universally applied to other unrecognized de facto states, particularly those that have emerged from the former Soviet Union.

Frozen conflicts

The dissolution of the Soviet Union ignited a number of violent ethnic clashes across its territory, and in the South Caucasus in particular. As a result of these conflicts, four self-declared states emerged in the early 1990s – the republics of Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh and Transdnestr. Abkhazia and South Ossetia seek independence from Georgia, Transdnestr from Moldova and Nagorno-Karabakh is torn between Armenia and Azerbaijan. All of these have now existed under such conditions for more than a decade, defying international isolation and economic, political and humanitarian constraints emanating from their unrecognized status. All of them have developed some form of functioning economy and security systems and have conducted referenda on independence and held several rounds of elections, none of which were recognized or properly observed by the international community. This situation has created a generation of “citizens” who are committed to preserving and defending their independence.

These republics see the Kosovo precedent as possible means to advance their aims of gaining recognition. The president of Abkhazia, Sergei Bagapsh, has said that the recognition of an independent Kosovo could accelerate the recognition of an independent Abkhazia. Eduard Kokoity, the president of South Ossetia, has described the change in Russia’s position as a symbol of the end of a “double standard” approach towards the plight of all unrecognized states.

However, Russia’s plea for universality, backed by heightened expectations from the unrecognized states themselves, is unlikely to be endorsed by the international community. The EU and the United States have already responded with statements that any decision on Kosovo’s status should be treated on its own merits, and not as a precedent for other conflicts, which must be resolved based on their unique characteristics and on existing international legal strictures. This response takes into account a number of pragmatic, strategic and geopolitical factors.

The pragmatists contend that there are major differences between the Kosovo case and those of the unrecognized post-Soviet entities. Indeed, while there are some clear similarities between Balkan conflicts and those of the former Soviet states, there are also major differences, mainly deriving from how the entities were formed. Post-1999 Kosovo was shaped by a broad international consensus, with major powers playing an active role in the development of its political institutions, as well as in guaranteeing security and order on the ground.

In contrast, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transdnestr developed in isolation from the wider international community, with Russia playing the role of key mediator and sole guarantor of security and economic survival. Moreover, each of the entities differs in terms of demographic characteristics, political aspirations, degree of “real” independence, viability of government institutions and attitudes towards refugees and ethnic minorities. Finally, unlike Kosovo, where the international community seeks Serbia’s acquiescence to its independence and offers the prospect of European integration as an incentive, Europe and the United States both support the territorial integrity of Georgia and Moldova.

Strategic arguments focus on the fact that any recognition of Kosovo as a “precedent” could have strategic implications not only for Eurasia, but also for other parts of the world where ethnic, separatist conflicts have occurred and might be reignited. The integration of a new state into the international community requires significant political and financial resources – the case of East Timor proves the point – and, in the cases of a number of such states, the entire post-Cold war political landscape of a wider Europe has to be revisited.

Geopolitically, Russia and the West are increasingly engaged in a new rivalry in Eurasia that is particularly evident in the case of the “frozen” conflicts. Both Russia and the West include the resolution of these conflicts among their important foreign and security policy priorities. The Western stance is based not only on the principle of supporting the territorial integrity of Georgia and Moldova, but also on the assumption that the restoration of territorial integrity by peaceful means is possible.

Many Russian policy makers and experts neither support the practical reintegration of unrecognized entities into states nor believe that such an reintegration can be achieved at all, even by military force. Europe and the United States have provided military assistance and political backing to the governments of Georgia and Moldova. Both seek to distance themselves from Russia and aspire to integrate themselves into Euro-Atlantic structures. Russia, in turn, provides significant economic assistance to Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transdnestr and maintains a military presence in these areas. Additionally, Russia has granted citizenship to the majority of the population of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

The more tension between Russia and the West, the less likely it is that a Kosovo resolution could offer even a slim opportunity to devise a more realistic and co-operative approach towards the “frozen conflicts.” Any new approach should address a few core issues.

First, it is no longer possible to ignore the fact that these unrecognized entities exist. Kosovo helped to put them on the international agenda, and a review is now required to develop a new international policy towards each. This policy should combine new efforts at conflict resolution with a renewed dialogue that could be pursued until the issue of status is resolved through negotiations. Another challenge could be finding a way to grant these entities some voice within international organizations without legitimizing their unilateral political aspirations.

Secondly, it is important to lower expectations and to develop assurances that the “Kosovo precedent” does not rekindle prior tensions, particularly in South Ossetia.

Thirdly, it is important to develop a set of principles that can determine the degree of international engagement. These should be derived from the Kosovo standards and relate to democratic institutions, civil and minority rights and security.

Genuine international recognition cannot come without international consensus. While the United States and the EU are likely to secure such consensus with regard to Kosovo, Russia has little or no chance of doing the same for Abkhazia, South Ossetia or Transdnestr. Any attempt by Russia to declare unilateral recognition for some or all of these entities is bound to postpone their integration into the international community further. However, it is precisely this integration, rather than recognition, that the unrecognized entities should hope to achieve.

Oksana Antonenko is a Senior Fellow at the London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies, and has set up meetings between high-level Georgian and South Ossetian officials with the aim of promoting conflict resolution in South Ossetia.
http://www.russiaprofile.org/international/2006/6/15/3874.wbp

USA uses Bulgarian intelligence service in the Balkans

 

USA uses Bulgarian intelligence service in the Balkans - Montenegrin daily
BBC Monitoring Europe (Political) - June 14, 2006

Excerpt from report by M.V.R. and D.Z: "Bulgarian spies followed Pedja" published by Montenegrin newspaper Dan on 13 June

The chairman of the Socialist People's Party [SNP - Predrag Bulatovic] who is also the leader of the pro-union bloc was being followed by foreign intelligence services. This fact was confirmed by Georgi Koritarov, member of the Bulgarian State Security Service, in his confession published by the Belgrade-based Blic newspaper. He admitted that this service was very interested in Montenegrin opposition leader Predrag Bulatovic.

[Passage omitted: Parts of the Blic article]

Military-political analyst Milovan Drecun believes that the fact that foreign intelligence services were following Montenegrin opposition leader Predrag Bulatovic is not an unexpected development, considering the fact that he has so many supporters that it was always a possibility that he might take over as the leader of Montenegro. He believes that there was a time when such an event definitely did not suit the American interests in the Balkans.

"Lately the Bulgarian intelligence service has become a faithful long arm serving the American interests in the Balkans. Three American bases are to be opened in that country, but it is particularly interesting to note that the Bulgarian intelligence service now has a new role to play in the Balkans. Whenever the American intelligence services cannot or do not want to do something efficiently, they do it through Bulgarian services. My sources tell me that Koritarov's statement is absolutely true," Drecun says.

He adds that everything the Bulgarian intelligence service has been doing in Montenegro and Kosovo-Metohija has been done on behalf of the USA and in the course of executing orders issued by its intelligence services.

"One former Bulgarian general from the Macedonian area is intensely busy among members of the Albanian National Army [ANA] and the [Kosovo] protection corps. His task is to control actions of the Albanian mafia and [Kosovo politician] Hasim Taci, because America is starting to lose control over that mafia.

[Passage omitted: Drecun comments on other alleged Bulgarian intelligence services' activities

He points out that, beside the CIA, Al-Qa'idah has its headquarters in Sofia, too. Its head was the ideologist of this terrorist organization, Ayman al-Zawahiri, and then his brother Muhammad.

"Daut Haradinaj, brother of [former Kosovo Prime Minister] Ramus Haradinaj, visited Sofia in order to contact him after Kfor arrived in Kosovo. Daut Haradinaj is the main connection between the former KLA [Kosovo Liberation Army], which has now become the Kosovo Protection Corps, and Al-Qa'idah.

[Passage omitted: Drecun says that Bulgarian intelligence services helped dissolve Serbia-Montenegro]


Source: Dan, Podgorica, in Serbian 13 Jun 06, p7

Copyright 2006 British Broadcasting Corporation
Posted for Fair Use only.


Quiet Bulgarian
http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org/news/dan061406.htm




Apostle of Electrification

 

http://news.serbianunity.net/bydate/2006/June_15/23.html

Serbian Unity Congress

Letter to President of Serbia regarding

International Nikola Tesla Day and the Year of Electrification

June 15, 2006

Boris Tadic, President
Republic of Serbia

Dear President Tadic,

The Serbian Unity Congress is joining the other organizations around the World that are proposing to the United Nations to declare the year 2006 as «The Year of Electrification» in honor of the 150th anniversary of Tesla's birth and proclame July 10 as «International Nikola Tesla Day». Nikola Tesla was born in 1856 in Smiljane, Lika. His father Milutin was a Serbian Orthodox priest, and mother Djuka a self-taught inventor of many household items. Tesla came to the USA in 1884 and became one of the greatest inventors in the World. Tesla was a visionary genius whose inventions established the basis for the widespread electrification and wireless communications across the Globe. In writings about Tesla, one often finds statements such as that he "invented the twentieth century" or "the twenty first century", or even that he "invented the future".

Tesla created the polyphase alternating current based system of motors and generators that remains at the heart of electric power generation to this day. Among the more than 700 of Tesla's other inventions/patents are the rotating magnetic field principle, polyphase alternating-current system, Tesla Coil, induction motor, wireless communication, fluorescent lights, use of high-frequency (h.f.) currents in medicine and remote control.

However, he is still not recognized for many of his fundamental inventions. Such is the case of radio for which even the U.S. Supreme Court in 1943 determined Tesla as inventor. Tesla is one of only two Americans to have a unit of electrical measurement named in his honor. In 1956, Tesla's peers at the Electrotechnical Conference in Munich acknowledged his monumental contributions to science by designating his name to represent a unit of magnetic measurement: the "tesla" (T) became the Unit of Magnetic Flux Density in the MKS system. Throughout the entire history of electrical science only fifteen men worldwide have received this honor. The IEEE, which considers Tesla one of the 12 "apostles" of electrical science, continues to offer an annual prize in the field of power engineering in his name.

We ask the Government of Serbia and Montenegro to submits an official requests to the UN to declare the year 2006 as «The Year of Electrification» and to proclame July 10 as «International Nikola Tesla Day».

Sincerely yours,
Prof. Dr. Jasmina Vujic
Executive Vice President

Beware Kosovo independence

 

Letters to the editor

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR
June 16, 2006


Beware Kosovo independence
    In the well-written Commentary column regarding the global metastasis of al Qaeda ("Reconnecting al Qaeda dots," Wednesday), Arnaud de Borchgrave omits one important regional milestone: the Balkans. Today, while America's and the world's attention is focused on Iran, Iraq and Afghanistan, the establishment of a rogue Islamic terrorist state in the belly of Europe is nearing enactment by misguided moves to create an independent Kosovo controlled by terrorist and organized-crime elements.
    A Wall Street Journal (European edition) article of Nov. 1, 2001, headlined "Al Qaeda's Balkan Links," states: "For the past 10 years, the most senior leaders of al Qaeda have visited the Balkans, including [Osama] bin Laden himself on three occasions between 1994 and 1996. The Egyptian surgeon turned terrorist leader Ayman Al-Zawahiri has operated terrorist training camps, weapons of mass destruction factories and money-laundering and drug-training networks throughout Albania, Kosovo, Macedonia (FYROM), Bulgaria, Turkey and Bosnia. This has gone on for a decade."
    The Washington Times' own Jerry Seper wrote as far back as 1999: "Some members of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), which has financed its war effort through the sale of heroin, were trained in terrorist camps run by international fugitive Osama bin Laden." Since then, Kosovo has become Europe's center for drug trafficking, sex slavery and terrorism.
    According to Defense & Foreign Affairs Daily (Oct. 25, 2005): "Deeply placed sources within the Islamist community in Kosovo have identified the source and type of the explosives used in the jihadist terrorist bombings in London on July 7, 2005, and the Madrid commuter railway bombings of March 11, 2004.
    "The man at the center of the provision of the explosives in both instances was an Albanian, operating mostly out of Kosovo (with links into Bosnia) who is a second-ranking leader in the Kosovo Liberation Army."
    Only firm action by the United States can stop another U.N. fiasco: Kosovo independence.
    
    COL. GEORGE JATRAS
    Air Force (retired)
    Camp Hill, Pa.
http://www.washingtontimes.com/op-ed/20060615-084010-9571r.htm

June 05, 2006

UN Closes Book On Milosevic Cover-up

UN Closes Book On Milosevic Cover-up

Investigators clear themselves despite overwhelming evidence of foul play

Paul Joseph Watson/Prison Planet.com May 31 2006

The Hague Tribunal's final verdict on Slobodan Milosevic's death has concluded that he was not poisoned and there was no foul play involved. Imagine my shock. The truth is that the circumstances of Milosevic's death and why it had to happen prove foul play even absent allegations of poisoning.
How can an investigation that, if evidence of murder was uncovered, would result in criminals charges for the investigators themselves be impartial?
The BBC reported on the nature of Milosevic's death,
"Guards knocked on his door for an 0900 wake-up, but assumed he was still sleeping and left him alone until 1000 when they saw "that he was still lying on his bed".
"As he approached the bed he saw that Mr Milosevic's face was greyish in colour and that his arm was hanging over the side of the bed," says the report.
The guards tried to find a pulse, but realised the prisoner was dead."
Milosevic's prison cell was under 24 hour video surveillance. At first the UN ridiculously claimed he had poisoned himself by having someone smuggle in drugs past armed guards before changing their story to a heart attack. If Milosevic had died of a sudden heart attack surely his reaction to it would be captured on the tape. All the UN had to do was show the Dutch authorities the tape and no investigation would have even been necessary.

Heart attacks are not usually considered a subtle and quiet way to die. The symptoms are chest pain, discomfort, sweating, weakness, nausea and vomiting. Are we really expected to believe Milosevic experienced all this while remaining in a peaceful sleep and without his watchers noticing?
"They kept cameras and lights on in Slobodan's cell non-stop, so that he could not sleep. That is an officially recognised form of torture," said Milosevic's wife.
The fact that Milosevic was under constant surveillance coupled with the total lack of response from medical personnel to his heart attack proves foul play in itself, absent of any allegations of poisoning.
Milosevic wrote a letter one day before his death claiming he was being poisoned to death in jail. The lawyer who advised Milosevic during his trial, Azdenko Tomanovic, showed journalists a handwritten letter in which Milosevic wrote: "They would like to poison me. I'm seriously concerned and worried."
Milosevic's trial was coming to an end and the only verifiable evidence to emerge from it was proof that the real Butcher's of Serbia were Wes Clark and Bill Clinton. The US government's financial and military support of Al-Qaeda, after the embassy bombings, was also being exposed.
The Globalists have wanted to eliminate Milosevic for a long time. Former MI6 agent Richard Tomlinson said he saw documents in 1992 that discussed assassinating Milosevic by means of a staged car accident, where the driver would be blinded by a flash of light and remote controlled brake failure enacted to cause the crash. This exact same technique was utilized for real in the murder of Princess Diana.

The illegal Clinton-NATO bombing of Serbia was fueled in part by a staged ITN news report purporting to show evidence of a Bosnian Serb death camp. Pictures of emaciated 'prisoners' behind a barbed wire fence were used to claim the Serbians were running internment camps. In reality the emaciated man was a tuberculosis victim and the film screw were the ones inside he barbed wire enclosure, filming out to refugees who had willingly entered the refugee camp.
Milosevic, just like Saddam Hussein when his testimony was shut off after he discussed the US' role in staging bombings in Iraq, had to be silenced and the trial prematurely aborted before its credibility completely collapsed.
-------------------------------------------
Related: Why Milosevic Was Murdered
Related: The Real Butchers Of Serbia: Clinton, Clark, NATO
Related: Milosevic Autopsy: The Murderers Clear ThemselvesShortcut to: http://www.prisonplanet.com/articles/may2006/310506closesbook.htm

Could Milosevic's death have been averted?

Could Milosevic's death have been averted?
By Elisabeth Rosenthal International Herald Tribune

SUNDAY, JUNE 4, 2006

As Slobodan Milosevic's family and the United Nations war crimes tribunal in The Hague spar over whether his death in prison on March 11 was avoidable, a slew of medical information released in the past week has provided new details about the former Yugoslav leader's demise, his medical ailments and his stormy relationship with his court-appointed doctors.The Milosevic family contends that his medical treatment in detention was inadequate. The court, in an internal review released last week, concluded that its doctors had delivered "proper care," and that Milosevic was an uncooperative patient.But the new medical facts suggest that there were a number of times when either Milosevic or the court could have done things differently, possibly altering the course of his illness.Much of the court's inquiry that was released last week documents a turbulent, distrustful relationship between Milosevic and the detention center's officials, which almost certainly affected his care.He sometimes refused to take pills, or took doses dictated by doctors consulted by telephone. Visitors sometimes brought unapproved medicines and alcohol into his cell.The inquiry accuses him of secretly taking Rifampicin, a tuberculosis drug that would have blunted the effect of his blood pressure drug and made it hard to control. The drug was found in a screening blood test in January. Milosevic denied taking Rifampicin and said that someone was trying to kill him.On the last day of Milosevic's life, prison guards who unlocked his cell decided not to examine him when he failed to move or respond to their greeting. Ironically, given his medical problems, they decided he needed rest.An hour later, when he still had not moved, they noticed his gray color. Milosevic's autopsy, conducted by a Dutch coroner, estimated the time of death at between 7 a.m. and 9 a.m. Could he have been alive, or revivable during the guard's first visit?The court and Milosevic spent the months before his death wrangling over where he should get a cardiac work-up, which never happened. Milosevic refused hospitalization for important cardiac testing on at least one and possibly more occasions."If he had been in a monitored setting on March 11, he certainly wouldn't have died," said Patrick Barriott, a French doctor and longtime friend of Milosevic.Twice in the past six months, Milosevic petitioned the court to be sent for urgent treatment in Moscow - he refused to be treated in a NATO country. The last petition was on March 2.Noting that the tests could be performed in the Netherlands, the court rejected the first petition. An appeal was pending when he died.In its internal review, the International War Crimes Tribunal said: "In these circumstances it cannot be concluded that there was a failure to provide proper care."Still, the report acknowledged that some of the detention center's systems for monitoring Milosevic's health were inadequate and that some prominent doctors believed that additional tests and procedures should have been performed - measures that could have been lifesaving.Ren� Tavernier, a cardiologist from Belgium who reviewed the case at the behest of the court, concluded: "There is no test that if carried out would have helped detect or prevent the cause of death."But on April 5, a Russian cardiac surgeon, Leo Bockeria, wrote to the court that Milosevic "could have been treated easily at any place of the world" with a minimally invasive procedure in which a tube is used to open an artery.In either case, it is clear from the documents that Milosevic was a sometimes difficult patient who defied doctors orders.Zdravko Mijailovic, who treated Milosevic at the Military Hospital in Belgrade in 2001, said that important studies had never been completed, because of the patient's "lack of motivation."From studies conducted around that time, Milosevic was known to have serious high blood pressure and a thickened heart wall - the result of years of hypertension. He was on a slew of medicines.All doctors agree that Milosevic was at high risk for stroke, heart attack or fatal heart rhythm. What is less certain is whether his death on March 11, at that particular moment, was inevitable. But little is known about the progression of Milosevic's heart disease during his time in the detention center.In 2002, Milosevic refused the recommendation of a Dutch cardiologist that he be hospitalized for a cardiac work-up. In 2004, a Russian doctor who he had called to examine him made a similar recommendation, although Milosevic and his lawyer never disclosed that to the court.In November, a French cardiologist hired by Milosevic, Florence Leclercq, again recommended immediate heart testing, particularly a scan called scintigraphy. She was surprised, she said, that it had not already been performed.Shortly thereafter, Milosevic requested temporary release for a work-up in Moscow. That plea was rejected and there was no effort made to schedule it elsewhere, in part because the court- appointed cardiologist believed that new testing was not urgent."Mr. Milosevic wanted full medical treatment in Russia because they started to control his health from the start," said Milosevic's lawyer, Zdenko Tomanovic, noting that he had frequently consulted Russian doctors by phone. "He did not want medical treatment in a country that was a member of NATO. The charges against him stem from the NATO conflict."Doctors disagree about whether those tests would have changed anything.An independent autopsy by the Dutch government showed that one of Milosevic's main coronary arteries was 50 percent narrowed - not generally enough to cause a heart attack in itself. At the same time, he had a severely thickened heart, with an unusual structure called myocardial bridge, where a coronary artery plunges into the heart's muscle rather than lying on its surface.The significance and proper treatment of such bridges is controversial, according to the medical literature, since many produce no symptoms or problems. But some, especially in combination with other heart disease, can precipitate chest pain, abnormal rhythms and heart attacks.Such bridges are sometimes treated by placing a stent in the narrowed artery to hold it open. Since Milosevic did not undergo a full cardiac work-up for years before his death, it is impossible to have a good sense of whether he would have been a candidate for the procedure.Marlise Simons of The New York Times contributed reporting for this article.


Copyright � 2006 The International Herald Tribune www.iht.com
http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/06/04/news/serbs.php

June 03, 2006

Serb tragedy needs epilogue

 

Serb tragedy needs epilogue

By JIRI DIENSTBIER

PRAGUE -- Serbia's long tragedy looks like it is coming to an end. The death of Slobodan Milosevic has just been followed by Montenegro's referendum on independence. Independence for Kosovo, too, is inching closer.

The wars of the Yugoslav succession have not only been a trial for the peoples of that disintegrated country; they also raised huge questions about the exercise of international justice.

Do international tribunals of the sort Milosevic faced before his death promote or postpone serious self-reflection and reconciliation in damaged societies? Do they strengthen or undermine the political stability needed to rebuild wrecked communities and shattered economies?

The evidence on these questions is mixed. Indeed, the record of the International War Crimes Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), based in The Hague, may be instructive in judging the credibility of the strategy of using such trials as part of the effort to end civil and other wars. In 13 years, the ICTY, with 1,200 employees, spent roughly $ 1.25 billion to convict only a few dozen war criminals.

Moreover, whereas members of all ethnic groups committed crimes, in its first years, the ICTY indicted and prosecuted far more Serbs than others, fueling a perception, even among opponents of Milosevic's regime, that the tribunal was political and anti-Serbian.

We may regret that Milosevic's own trial ended without a conclusion. But a conviction only of Milosevic, however justified, without parallel penalties for his Croat, Bosnian and Kosovo-Albanian counterparts would hardly have contributed to serious self-reflection within the post-Yugoslav nations.

To be sure, the arrest of Gen. Ante Gotovina, adored by many Croats as a hero, but responsible for the brutal expulsion of a quarter-million Serbs from Croatia and northwest Bosnia -- the biggest ethnic cleansing in Europe since World War II -- improves the ICTY's standing. But Milosevic's Croatian and Bosnian counterparts, Franjo Tudjman and Alija Izetbegovic, respectively, remained unindicted when they died.

So, too, the main commanders of the Kosovo Liberation Army (UCK). Ramush Haradinaj, the prime minister of Kosovo, was accused but later released from detention.

I have always been convinced that Milosevic should have been put on trial in Belgrade. After all, Milosevic's critics and political rivals such as the journalist Slavko Curuvija and Milosevic's former mentor, Ivan Stambolic, were assassinated by Serb police agents, who also tried three times to murder the opposition leader Vuk Draskovic. There was, moreover, ample evidence of corruption among Milosevic's inner circle, including members of his immediate family.

Holding the trial in Belgrade might have served better to catalyze a sober examination of the past. The atmosphere was certainly favorable. The majority of Serbs hold Milosevic responsible for the decline of their society.

Even before his fall, the opposition controlled most big Serbian cities, and in 2000 he lost the election that he called to shore up his authority. The relatively small turnout at his funeral confirmed that only a minority of Serbs considers him a national hero.

Meanwhile, with the exception of Slovenia, the democratic transformation in the post-Yugoslav region remains uneasy. Wars, ethnic cleansing, embargoes and sanctions created not only psychological traumas, but also black markets, smuggling, large-scale corruption and de facto rule by mafias. The bombing of Serbia by NATO in 1999 heavily damaged its economy, with serious consequences for neighboring countries.

The definitive end of what remains of Yugoslavia may -- at least today -- pose no danger of war, but the Muslim Sandjak region will now be divided by state boundaries, and Albanian extremists, with their dreams of a Greater Albania, believe their influence in a separate Montenegro will be reinforced with a yes vote on independence.

Most Serbs and Croats in Bosnia believe that the best solution to the problems of that sad country would be to join the territories that they inhabit with their "mother" countries.

Then there is the unresolved status of Kosovo, where the Albanian majority demands independence, and extremists threaten to fight for it. As one Kosovo Liberation Army commander warned, "If we kill one KFOR soldier a day, these cowards will leave."

With independence, the extremists would gain a territorial base from which to undermine Macedonia, southern Montenegro, and southern Serbia, jeopardizing stability in the entire region.

Serbia is offering Kosovo the formula "less than independence, more than autonomy." It demands security guarantees for the Serbian minority and cultural monuments, as well as control of the borders with Albania and Macedonia to stop traffic in arms, drugs and women, and to prevent the use of Kosovo by Albanian extremists.

Any resolution of Kosovo's status is problematic, but the international community should not repeat old mistakes. In 1991, the principle that only a politically negotiated division of Yugoslavia would be recognized was abandoned. Now, as then, a change of boundaries without the consent of all concerned parties would not only violate international law, but could also lead to violence.

The international community must not be gulled into thinking that war-crime trials marginalize, rather than mobilize, extremists and nationalists. Pressure on Croatia and Serbia to arrest and hand over suspects -- a condition of EU accession negotiations -- has yielded several extraditions and may result in more. But further trials alone are unlikely to bring about the long-term settlements that the region's fragile states need in order to ensure stability and democratic development. The people of the Balkans should feel that the EU offers them political and economic support. They deserve it.

Jiri Dienstbier was foreign minister of Czechoslovakia and special rapporteur of the UNHRC in the Balkans.

Copyright 2006 Project Syndicate (www.project-syndicate.org)