November 10, 2006

Kosovo, Montenegrin Separatists In Criminal Collusion

Kosovo, Montenegrin Separatists In Criminal Collusion





http://www.regnum.ru/english/736189.html


Regnum (Russia)
November 11, 2006


Kosovo: Bulgaria, Macedonia and Montenegro have
betrayed Serbia



-Some people believe that the Montenegrin authorities
invited Ceku to Montenegro with a view to improve
their relations with the local Albanian minority after
the Sept 2006 arrest of Albanian extremists from the
Movement for the Rights of Albanians in Montenegro. On
Nov 6, Montenegrin Public Prosecutor Vesna Medenica
said that this group, together with the fighters from
the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, were plotting
terrorist acts in the territory of Montenegro.
-"The visit of Ceku, who is suspected of having
committed military crimes against Serbs, Montenegrins
and other non-Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija, looked
especially provocative as it took place right after
the adoption of the Constitution of Serbia and exactly
at the moment when the world community is trying to
solve the problem of Kosovo and Metohija in line with
the UN Charter and UN SC Resolution 1244."
-"Montenegro's independence gained with the decisive
support of Albanians was just the first step towards
the possible secession of Kosovo and Metohija from
Serbia."



In the last few months, the head of the interim
government of Kosovo Agim Ceku has visited a number of
countries to enlist their support for Kosovo's
independence.

He visited the US and the UK, Bulgaria and FYR
Macedonia.

Ceku's visits have not gone unnoticed: the world
community is very much interested in what status
Kosovo will get and in what stance the UN Security
Council and Contact Group members and Balkan states
have on the matter.

Special attention was given to Ceku's Nov 3 visit to
Montenegro, which quite recently voted to secede from
Serbia.

In Montenegro Ceku met with the prime minister, the
speaker of the parliament, the FM, and all of them
treated him as the head of the government of a state.

Montenegrin Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic said that
the key topic of his talk with Ceku was not the status
of Kosovo but the future of the region and good
neighborly relations between Montenegro and Kosovo.

Ignoring the fact that Kosovo is an integral part of
Serbia, Djukanovic stressed that, despite its status,
Kosovo is Montenegro's neighbor and so the sides
should be interested in being good neighbors.

Djukanovic and Ceku exchanged their views of how to
eliminate structural restrictions to the
liberalization of the energy and other markets in the
Balkans and how to attract big investors in the
region.

They also stressed the need to open new border
crossings for bringing closer the business interests
of Montenegro and Kosovo and discussed ways to
strengthen border control and to jointly fight
organized crime. Djukanovic said that the Montenegrin
and Kosovan government delegations would meet to
discuss the return of Kosovan refugees in Montenegro.

Concerning the status of Kosovo, Djukanovic said that
Montenegro is interested in the urgent resolution of
this problem – under the agreement between Belgrade
and Pristina and with the consent of the world
community – and is ready to support any decision to be
passed by the world community.

Ceku used his visit to state once again that the
provision of Kosovo with independence is the only
permanent decision. He once more expressed his
conviction that this decision will be made by the end
of this year.

During his visit to Montenegro, Ceku also met with the
leaders of the Albanian parties in Montenegro and with
the heads of the Albanian community of Ulcinj, a
municipality where Albanians constitute over 70% of
the population.

Ceku said that the Albanian community in Montenegro
has always been constructive: it has never posed a
threat to the country's interests but, on the
contrary, has actively protected them.

Ceku commended the Albanian community for their active
role in the current processes in Montenegro and
expressed hope that "the Montenegrin Government will
respond positively by guaranteeing the exercise of the
rights of Albanians in Montenegro."

It is not clear what rights Ceku meant, but it is
known well that the Montenegrin Albanians want
autonomy and hope that Kosovo's independence will help
them in the matter.

Some people believe that the Montenegrin authorities
invited Ceku to Montenegro with a view to improve
their relations with the local Albanian minority after
the Sept 2006 arrest of Albanian extremists from the
Movement for the Rights of Albanians in Montenegro. On
Nov 6, Montenegrin Public Prosecutor Vesna Medenica
said that this group, together with the fighters from
the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, were plotting
terrorist acts in the territory of Montenegro.

The visit of Ceku has received a very negative
response from the opposition parties of Montenegro,
who said that it was "a scandal that will cause grave
political consequences" and "an attempt to stab in the
back the Serbian leaders and all Serbs in the
Balkans."

The Socialist People's Party of Montenegro said that
the invitation of Ceku, "the well-known representative
of the Kosovan extremists," was an act of open support
for those forces who want to separate Kosovo and
Metohija from Serbia.

"The visit of Ceku, who is suspected of having
committed military crimes against Serbs, Montenegrins
and other non-Albanians in Kosovo and Metohija, looked
especially provocative as it took place right after
the adoption of the Constitution of Serbia and exactly
at the moment when the world community is trying to
solve the problem of Kosovo and Metohija in line with
the UN Charter and UN SC Resolution 1244."

The Democratic Serbian Party said that "now that
Serbia is taking active diplomatic steps to keep
Kosovo from secession and the problem of the status of
this southern Serbian region is entering the final
stage, the invitation of Ceku to visit Montenegro was
a non-diplomatic act" and can be interpreted as an
interference in the internal affairs of another state.


The Socialist People's Party of Montenegro said that
"by inviting Ceku, Djukanovic and his regime have
openly taken the side of the Albanian extremists in
Kosovo and Metohija," while the People's Party of
Montenegro said that "by so doing they have shown
support for the Ceku separatist regime" and that
"Montenegro's independence gained with the decisive
support of Albanians was just the first step towards
the possible secession of Kosovo and Metohija from
Serbia."

The party urged all opposition parties to initiate a
special parliamentary session for considering "the
Montenegrin authorities' open support for the Albanian
separatists in Kosovo."

Those in Serbia have strongly criticized the
invitation of Ceku to Montenegro.

Serbian President Boris Tadic said that it was "an
unacceptable and unnecessary gesture" by Djukanovic
now that the sides are negotiating the future status
of Kosovo.

Those in the Serbian Government said that Kosovo is an
inalienable part of Serbia rather than "a neighboring
state for Montenegro" as the Montenegrin officials
said.

Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica warned the
Montenegrin Government that they "should respect the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia in
line with the UN Charter and international law.
Otherwise, they will be responsible for possible
serious consequences in Serbian-Montenegrin
relations."

The G-17+ party said that the position of the
Montenegrin authorities does not contribute to the
development of good neighborly relations between
Serbia and Montenegro and must be condemned, while the
secretary general of the Serbian Radical Party
Aleksandar Vucic said that it was "the most shameful
act in the history of Montenegro" and "the Montenegrin
authorities just returned the favor done to them
during the referendum [on Montenegro's independence]."


The Socialist Party of Serbia demanded that the
Serbian authorities show tough reaction to this
"anti-Serbian gesture" of the Montenegrin leadership.
The Blic daily (Belgrade) said that "Djukanovic may go
into history as the person who restored Montenegro's
independence but he is also the person who spoiled
Montenegro's relations with Serbia — the first and
most natural ally."

Djukanovic and Montenegrin Foreign Minister Vlahovic
denied the charges and said that the talks with Ceku
have not spoiled Montenegro's relations with Serbia,
who remains the country's key partner, and were not
aimed at influencing the talks for Kosovo's future
status.

In their turn, the Kosovan authorities have blamed
Serbia for interfering in the policies of its
neighbors. The spokeswoman of the Kosovan Government
Ujlpijana Ljama said that Serbia should accept the new
reality in the Balkans.

However, some forces in Kosovo think otherwise. The
Serbian Vece believes that the decision of the
Montenegrin authorities to officially receive Ceku has
deeply hurt the Serbs and the Montenegrins in Kosovo.
However, this step was not unexpected as Djukanovic is
deeply in debt to the Albanian community for his stay
in power all these years.

After his visit to Montenegro, Ceku continued his
tour: he visited Albania, on Nov 6 he went to
Slovakia, where local officials told him that the
decision on Kosovo's status requires absolute
consensus and that the Kosovan authorities should
refrain from one-sided steps. And now Ceku is planning
to go to Moscow and is waiting for the Russians'
response to his wish to visit Russia for explaining
the stance of the Kosovan leadership.




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Kosovo (Serbia): The UN in Kosovo - a Legacy of Impunity.

Kosovo (Serbia): The UN in Kosovo - a Legacy of Impunity.



Kosovo (Serbia): The UN in Kosovo - a Legacy of Impunity.

Amnesty International.



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November 08, 2006

The Globe and Mail: Keep an eye on that "damned silly thing" in Kosovo

The Globe and Mail: Keep an eye on that "damned silly thing" in Kosovo




 

THE GLOBE AND MAIL 
31 oct. 2006

 KEEP AN EYE ON THAT ‘DAMNED SILLY THING’ IN KOSOVO
 
 Serbian voters have approved a new constitution that, among other things, reaffirms sovereignty over Kosovo which, since the bombing of Serbia in 1999, has been administrated by the United Nations with the help of NATO troops. The weekend referendum result will further complicate efforts of Western policy- makers to grant independence to Kosovo since, to do so without Serbia’s consent, would violate the U N Charter on territorial integrity and inviolability of borders. Nevertheless, there have been indications that the UN special envoy, Marrti Ahtisaari, will soon recommend that Kosovo be separated from Serbia and become an independent country.
 
This would be a mistake.
 
For the past seven years Kosovo has become one of the most dangerous places on Earth. It is the center of heroin, weapons and human trafficking into Western Europe. Murder and abduction of non –Albanians are a daily occurrence. Civil society is non-existent and living standards are equivalent to those of Haiti. There is evidence that Islamic extremists with Al Qaeda connections are a growing presence. In short, Kosovo has all the characteristics of a failed state. 
 
 Under the watchful eyes of the UN and NATO, more than 200,000 Serbs, Jews, Romans and other non-Albanians have been expelled from Kosovo. Those who remain are in constant danger. And some of those encouraged by the UN to return have been murdered The Prime Minister of Kosovo, Agim Ceku, a former leader of the Kosovo Liberation Army, has been accused of war crimes by the Serbs. He is the man who led Croatian forces in 1993 that over ran Serbian villages protected by Canadian peacekeepers. When his fighters were driven out, the Canadians found all of the civilians and animals in the villages had been slaughtered.
 
 One of the crimes committed by the Albanian majority in Kosovo has been the razing of over 150 Christian churches and monasteries. Many of these churches dated back to the 13th and 14th centuries. Their destruction has been a deliberate effort to remove all semblance of Christian heritage in Kosovo. Shamefully, there has been no international outrage, no serious attempt to apprehend the perpetrators and no expression of alarm or protest on the part of Christian churches in the West.
 
 The U N resolution that ended the bombing campaign against Serbia guaranteed that Kosovo would have a functioning civil society, democratic institutions, security for all citizens and respect for the rule of law. It called for the disarming of the Kosovo Liberation Army and other armed groups. It provided for the return to Kosovo of limited numbers of Serbian security forces to guard the Christian Holy places. And it reasserted Serbia’s sovereignty over Kosovo.
 Sadly, it seems the UN and NATO had no intention of honouring these commitments. These are hard facts and they stand as a testimony of failure. The performance of these two international institutions has been marked by duplicity, double standards and cowardice.
 
Independence for Kosovo would establish a dangerous precedent. President Vladimir Putin of Russia has already warned that a decision to grant Kosovo independence could be applicable to post-soviet territory .He has particular interest in regions of the former Soviet Union that have aspirations for independence. The most volatile ones are the Georgian provinces of Abkhazia and South Ossetia; these two regions broke away from Georgia in 1992 and want independent status. Recognition of Kosovo independence would give them their precedent. And could result in bloodshed with serious implications for world security.
 
Bismarck, once said that the Balkans were not worth the bones of a single Pomeranian grenadier. Yet, he also predicted that, if there were to be another war in Europe, it would be because of some “damned silly thing” in the Balkans. The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo in 1914, sparking off the First World War, proved him right.
 
 Ominously, there is again a strong possibility that another “damned silly thing” is taking place in the Balkans: the seeming determination of Western policy makers to grant the Serbian province of Kosovo its independence. In foreign policy, as in other human endeavours, you can’t get good results if you do dumb things.
                    
James Bissett
(former Canadian Ambassador to Yugoslavia)


 



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Interview with Jim Jatras: In search for Kosovo solution

Interview with Jim Jatras: In search for Kosovo solution



 



November 1st, 2006

Boba Borojevic interview with Jim Jatras

 IN SEARCH FOR KOSOVO SOLUTION


Message by Bishop Artemije to democratic world:

Do not “tolerate violations of religious freedoms and the extermination of Christianity” in Kosovo by Albanians.

Do not consider “the creation of an independent Kosovo managed by criminals and jihad supporters.”

Bishop Artemije of Raska and Prizren has appealed to the Canadian authorities to use their influence with UN members and NATO to secure ''a re-examination of the wrong policy of the international community in connection with the recognition of the independence of Kosovo and Metohija.'' ''I wonder how it is possible that the international community and the democratic world tolerate violations of religious freedoms and the extermination of Christianity, while they are considering the creating of an independent Kosovo managed by criminals and jihad supporters,'' Bishop Artemije told a press conference held at the Canadian Parliament in Ottawa. During his visit to Ottawa on October 26, His Grace bishop Artemije met with the Parliamentary Secretary of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Peter Van Loan. H.E. James Bissett former Canadian Ambassador to and Jim Jatras, director of the American Council for Kosovo accompanied the Bishop. In the effort to gather as much support for his mission in keeping Kosovo as an integral part of Bishop Artemije and Jim Jatras had similar high-level talks in Washington and Moscow in September and October this year.

 What is the significance of these visits?

James Jatras

Each of the countries you have mentioned is very important to the effort we have been mounting on behalf of the Serbian community in Kosovo, under the spiritual guidance of Bishop Artemije. The American government (my government) is largely the source of the problem. It appears that the Russian government is largely the solution to the problem, and we think that Canadian government can be a very useful catalyst in opening the eyes of the international community to the seriousness of the error, which some people would like to commit in Kosovo. The Canadian government has a very high international reputation regarding the rule of law and observance of international standards. It was with that appeal we came to the Parliament to enlist the support of the Canadian public and government in voicing their opinion against the illegal and unjustified detachment of Kosovo from .

 As a Director of the American Council for Kosovo, adviser to Bishop Artemije and the Serbs from Kosovo, what is your strategy in fighting against enormous pressure by many foreign factors that insist on granting independence to Albanian Muslims in Kosovo?

Essentially, through several ways: One is to broaden the circle of public opinion here in the to focus the concerns of politically and socially active sectors on Kosovo.  This means we are reaching out to groups that are concerned about a number of issues like human rights, religious freedom, global terrorism, and so forth, and directing their attention toward Kosovo, because until now most of these interests are not focused on Kosovo.  Instead, Kosovo is being dealt with by a small group of bureaucrats who made up their minds a long time ago as to what the solution for Kosovo ought to be – independence -- and are still perusing that option. We are trying to make as hard for them as possible. At the same time, the second element -- and that was the reason for our trip to Moscow -- was to remind people there of the extent to which those favoring the illegal detachment of Kosovo from also tend to be the most anti-Russia elements of our government. If is in a position to stand up on strong, legal authority and say, “No, we will not permit the illegal detachment of Kosovo from ,” that places the agenda of these Washington bureaucrats in a very difficult position, because they have no other way to get to their goal without a new Security Council resolution.  Of course the third important element is that Serbian government has been very strong in saying they will not agree to the detachment, and I think that the overwhelming approval of those who voted on verifying the Serbian Constitution reinforced that very strongly.

You have just mentioned your and Bishop Artemije’s visit to Moscow. How much can you count on Moscow support and how serious is Moscow?

There has been an increased assertiveness from that is very different from the kind of policy we saw during the Yeltsin era and even in the early years of the Putin presidency, where we had the color revolutions and NATO expansion and, essentially, just over and over again diktat from Washington, which the Russians were, forced to accommodate. I do not think they feel like being so accommodating any more. ’s cooperation is very much needed for more important areas of American diplomacy having to do with , and so forth. The idea that we can just simply dictate to and they’ll agree to something that is against their interests -- I think that this is something they are tired of over there. They are not going to allow themselves to be pushed around on this one. Now it is less the question of whether Moscow is going to stand up in support of , as much as their being prepared to stand up in defense of their own interests.

We have heard on CNN two days ago, David Gergen—editor-at-large for US News and World Report repeating what Clinton and others have said before, that in order to build new bridges of trust so that Muslim lands do not remain a breeding ground for new waves of terrorists, we should point out to these Muslims how much America has sacrificed to protect Muslims in Bosnia and Kosovo. Will this kind of appeasement of Muslims by the West work?

There is no doubt that that kind of thought among many people in Washington is a large part what is wrong with the American policy on Kosovo. The 9/11 Commission, for example, made exactly the same recommendation in its report: that we (the ) need to convey our good will towards the Islamic world through that kind of example. The only trouble with that idea is that it shows a complete and total incomprehension of the Islamic mind on the part of people who say these kinds of things. Looking at any jihad site on Internet will show you that they do not see any good will at all on the basis of this kind of intervention on behalf of Muslims in Kosovo and . On the contrary, they see and Kosovo as just examples of victimization of Muslims by non-Muslims, and it doesn’t matter by whom -- by Americans, by Israelis, by Russians, by Serbs, by Indians. That is all what they see from their point of view. The idea that is going to buy any good will in the Islamic world by that kind of action is absurd. They just do not understand what they are talking about.   


Kosovo is part of and will remain so. This is what we have heard from Bishop Artemije and you during your visit to Ottawa. How could we in and elsewhere help?

One very important thing – and this is something that was clear during our visit to Ottawa – is to keep in mind that Bishop Artemije is the shepherd of a flock that will be eradicated if Kosovo becomes an independent state. Bishop Artemije speaks out with an overwhelming moral voice in support for his Christian Serbian community in Kosovo, for the Christian presence in Kosovo against jihad terrorism and organized crime in Kosovo. Everyone who hears this program in or elsewhere can do two things. First, they should contact their elected representatives and tell them it would be wrong for their government (if they are listening in , the Canadian government, -- in the the American government) to support this illegal detachment of Kosovo from , which would result in a major gain for terrorism and organized crime.  Second, the other very important thing is to do anything and everything that can be done to support Bishop Artemije. Please visit our site www.savekosovo.org . In light of the delay in the decision on imposing a “final status” -- which we now see -- there is an element of growing panic on the Albanian side that things are slipping away from them. We need to build on that momentum. Contact your government, say NO to Kosovo independence -- and support Bishop Artemije.

Boba Borojevic



 



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Kosovo sours relations between Montenegro and Serbia






Kosovo sours relations between Montenegro and Serbia




Kosovo sours relations between Montenegro and Serbia

November 07, 2006 9:30 AM

PODGORICA, Montenegro-Montenegro's government leader on Tuesday rejected Serbia's criticism about his recent meeting with the separatist leader of Kosovo, the breakaway province whose future status is being discussed in U.N.-mediated talks.

Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic said he saw no problem in meeting last week with Agim Ceku, the ethnic Albanian leader of Kosovo, which has been an international protectorate since the 1998-99 war there between Serb troops and the separatist rebels.

"I absolutely reject any objections from Serbia concerning Ceku's visit ... we did not discuss Kosovo's future status," said Djukanovic, following accusations by Serbian officials that receiving Ceku was a "stab in the back" to Serbia's efforts to prevent Kosovo's secession.

Serbia's leadership has said that accepting Ceku as a visiting statesman meant Montenegro's readiness to recognize Kosovo as a state.

Talks over Kosovo's future are under way under the auspices of the U.N., Western powers and Russia. The province has been run by the U.N. and NATO since 1999 when the alliance's bombing forced Serbs to halt their crackdown on the separatists and pull out.

The crackdown was led by former Serb leader, Slobodan Milosevic, who was toppled in 2000 by pro-democracy politicians. The new leadership contends that, despite Milosevic's devastating brutality in Kosovo, Serbs cannot give up completely on the southern province, considered Serbia's historic heartland.

"It's an inertia of old, failed policies," Djukanovic said about the comments from Belgrade. "Whatever Kosovo becomes in the future, it borders Montenegro" and needs good relations with neighbors.

Montenegro itself declared independence from Serbia earlier this year. Belgrade did not contest that move because Montenegro was a partner republic from the old Yugoslav federation, but insists that Kosovo is not entitled to same.

Ceku declared after his Friday meeting with Djukanovic that Kosovo would follow in Montenegro's steps.

Djukanovic himself is expected to step down as Montenegro's prime minister on Wednesday.

His Democratic Party of Socialists triumphed in recent elections, but Djukanovic, for years the most powerful figure in Montenegro, said he would not seek a third term and has hand-picked a trusted aide, Justice Minister Zeljko Sturanovic, as his successor.

 

http://www.serbianna.com/news/2006/02734.shtml




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November 07, 2006

Serbia tells Kosovo mediator to quit

Serbia tells Kosovo mediator to quit



Serbia tells Kosovo mediator to quit

Web posted at: 11/7/2006 4:9:31
Source ::: AFP

BELGRADE • Belgrade yesterday told the United Nations envoy to Kosovo talks to resign, accusing him of bias against Serbia in negotiations on the future status of the disputed province.

“It would be best if (Martti) Ahtisaari resigned on his own because he has failed to organise serious talks and achieve a compromise,” the independent FoNet news agency quoted government spokesman Srdjan Djuric as saying.

Djuric accused Ahtisaari, a former Finnish president, of trying to control the talks and impose a solution that he had come up with before they began in February.

“Ahtisaari was certainly not given a mandate to secretly write with Albanians any paper on Kosovo, so it has been a failure in advance,” Djuric said of the negotiations.

Kosovo is formally still a part of Serbia but has been administered by the UN for the past seven years. Its ethnic Albanian majority wants independence but Serbia is not prepared to allow this.

“It is high time that Ahtisaari leaves this job to a new international mediator, who would stick to the UN Charter and international law from the beginning,” Djuric said.

Simultaneously, the Kosovo Albanian negotiating team said there was no reason to continue direct talks with Belgrade because they had failed so far.

“The Unity Team is convinced that the talks with Belgrade cannot bring any outcome. Thus the team is of the opinion that it is absolutely profitless... to even think of continuing the negotiations,” said spokesman Skender Hyseni.

Hyseni told reporters the team was “ready to continue contacts and partnership with the international community untill the (decision on final) status is completed”.

Ahtisaari said in October that eight months of negotiations between Belgrade and the leaders of Kosovo’s ethnic-Albanian majority had led nowhere and suggested a deal be imposed.

He is expected on Friday to present his recommendations to the Contact Group of six powerful nations overseeing peace in the Balkans.

A Kosovo newspaper reported last week that Ahtisaari had proposed offering “limited sovereignty” to the ethnic Albanians, who comprise around 90 percent of the province’s two million population.

Kosovo has been managed by the UN since 1999, when a 78-day Nato bombing campaign halted a crackdown by Serbian forces against Kosovo’s separatist Albanian rebels.

Kosovo has been in limbo ever since. Its future status was set to be resolved by the year’s end. But a decision could be delayed because of an expected Serbian general election in December.

Speaking during a visit the Slovakian capital Bratislava on Monday, Kosovo’s ethnic-Albanian prime minister, Agim Ceku, urged the international community not to delay its decision on the province’s status.


http://www.thepeninsulaqatar.com/Display_news.asp?section=World_News&subsection=Rest+of+the+World&month=November2006&file=World_News200611074931.xml


 


Missing persons in Kosovo

Missing persons in Kosovo



 
APIS Group
 
Kosovo & Metohija
 
 
Are the cases of missing persons in Kosovo science fiction or consciously closed files?
‘Missing’
The real question is: why?

Danijela Slavnic

Unexpectedly for many Kosovo crisis observers, proliferation of terrorism and violence resulted with huge number of cases of missing and kidnapped civilians, mostly non-Albanians (especially Serbs): in the summer of 1998, spring 1999 and during 2000. Actually, last reported kidnappings occurred in 2004. Although such acts of terror were well known to local population and local authorities, eccentric doubts could be summarized with only one question: If victims were held in hidden prisons and if after some time they were executed, where are the bodies?

Searches, investigations, intelligence and identifications took more then 6 years for many international and local authorities who worked on missing person’s cases, but still there are many unanswered questions concerning the fate of missing. There are still discrepancies between the figures: number of reported missing person’s cases doesn’t match with number of recovered and identified NN bodies in Kosovo. This is the factual condition regardless on the missing person’s nationalities, but utmost divergence is with so called non-Albanian cases. The real question is: why?

Recently published story concerning the fate of two Serbian missing soldiers in Kosovo, who were secretly and illegally held in US Army prison in Germany, brought the missing person’s issue to the scope of public again. Sadly, this problem was almost forgotten.

Speaking about treatment and approach to this issue by the local and international authorities, we may see that missing person’s issue was politically hindered. It is not so surprising if this concerns some foreign policies and institutions, but it is odd when this comes to local authorities, especially for some in Serbia proper.

At the very beginning, families of missing person’s and other people offered lot of information that indicated existence of civil, foreign military and local illegal detentions region wide: in Republic Albania, FRY Macedonia, Federation B&H but in Europe too. Such information were treated as unreliable and were never seriously checked – which was intentional informational handling whose aim was to prevent from any professional investigations. Somebody’s plan was to leave aside known and unknown prisons in Kosovo (and region-wide) from police inquiries.

Constant obstacles and underestimations stroke any serious attempt to look after some missing people at designated places. Simply, real searches and operations were impossible. Even in several exceptions, there were no enough courage and will of certain individuals who rather looked into their careers, profit and local politicians then the professional and human values of their duty. It seemed that human lives don’t worth much in the Kosovo’s gloomy ghetto.

In 2000 some people who were reported missing in 1999, managed to escape illegal prison in Tropoja (small town nearby Serbian and Albanian border). The "case" was managed in deep silence by KFOR. The same happened with some missing person’s who were kidnapped in 2000 and managed to escape illegal detention center that was located in northern-east Kosovo in 2001. Again, the case was the mystery. In addition, we could recall many cases from 1998 and at least 10 KLA’s illegal detentions that re-operated after international forces arrival to Kosovo, such as in Jablanica, Musutiste, Drenovac, Pakastica, Junik, Milosevo, Kacanik, Stimlje and many other places throughout Kosovo. Lack of real operational cooperation and activities between Serbian and international security forces resulted in minor results concerning recovery of dead, but not alive victims of kidnappings – although there were a number of possibilities to find somebody alive. However, this never happened. If any person would manage to survive illegal detention, that was because of his/her escape or release by kidnappers – it never happened that international police, KFOR, ICRC, local police or local authorities succeeded to find and release kidnapped and missing people. Bearing this in mind, we can only think about how is this possible? Are the all "professionals" indeed incapable or they are somehow prevented from doing their job?

Families of missing are well introduced with this situation and they have reasonable doubts – to trust no one. More specific situation gain more suffer and efforts for the families of missing soldiers, volunteers and policeman’s, who are confronted with more bureaucracy, rules, roughness of systems and opinionated international and local players. Comparing to other cases, local military and police systems were not provided with prompt equipment, budget and human resources to deal with these cases at the right way. Especially military representatives were played down – by own political establishment and international authorities on the other side. Each attempt to use official intelligence channels, Interpol, European high-levels of ICRC and designated contacts in other countries simply have failed. Sometimes there was no will to initiate such scope of work, but sometimes such attempts were stopped. In several cases operations to raid suspected facilities were intentionally prolonged – once in took almost 30 days, which was too late even for the traces. Under regular circumstances, raids would be done immediately.

Finally, according to some recent experience we shouldn’t be in shock if in the future there will be more cases of missing person’s sudden appearance. Regretfully, we might hope for only small number of "lucky" individuals who somehow managed to survive years of torture and secret imprisonment – or there will be no more survivors to witness horrible and inhumane scenes. But the most horrifying and bizarre is the fact that all of that would never happened if the authorities of all sides involved did their job responsibly, professionally, humanly, fairly, incalculable and fearlessly.

Remarks:

The author is pre-graduate from the Faculty of Security in Belgrade

See also:

- Albanian terrorists (english version) http://www.guskova.ru/misc/balcan/AT/

- KLA and NATO against Yugoslavia http://www.apisgroup.org/pr.html?id=46

- Albanian Terrorism and Organized Crime in Kosovo and Metohija - Albanski terorizam i organizovani kriminal na Kosovu i Metohiji http://www.apisgroup.org/pr.html?id=64
- Jugoslovenska kriza i ratovi http://www.apisgroup.org/pr.html?id=69


27. oktobar 2006. godine





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November 06, 2006

Briefly: Decision on Kosovo could be delayed

Briefly: Decision on Kosovo could be delayed



 
International Herald Tribune
Briefly: Decision on Kosovo could be delayed

INTERNATIONAL

Ethnic Albanians' hopes of Kosovo's being granted independence by the end of the year were placed in doubt over the weekend as Secretary General Kofi Annan of the United Nations said talks on the future of the province could be delayed.

Annan told a Croatian newspaper that fears that a UN proposal for Kosovo's future status might influence elections in Serbia, which is struggling to retain its links with the province, meant that the world body might "not stick to the deadlines as we had originally planned."

His comments are the most serious suggestion so far that a timetable advanced by five Western governments and adopted by the UN could be dropped. On Sunday, Annan's office confirmed that negotiations could be extended into next year after Serbia holds parliamentary elections, but maintained that the UN's chief negotiator on Kosovo still aimed to conclude negotiations by the end of the year.




November 05, 2006

Depleted Uranium Haunts Kosovo and Iraq

Depleted Uranium Haunts Kosovo and Iraq



Depleted Uranium Haunts Kosovo and Iraq


November 5, 2006

Iraq and Kosovo may be thousands of miles apart, but they share the dubious distinction of contamination with radioactive residue from depleted uranium (DU) bullets used in American air strikes. After several years of silence, US officials finally admitted that 340 tons of DU were fired during the Gulf war. In Kosovo, American delays in providing details of quantities and target points have frustrated international efforts to assess health risks. Despite repeated requests, NATO waited almost a full year after the start of bombing in March 1999 to say that 31,000 DU bullets--a fraction of the number fired in Iraq--were fired by A-10 "tankbuster" aircraft over Kosovo. A Belgrade report published this April estimates that about 50,000 DU bullets had been used in parts of Serbia and Montenegro as well as Kosovo. Evidence is plentiful on the ground that DU was used in heavily populated areas, and that civilians and returning refugees were never warned of the danger.

The high-density bullet is made of low-level radioactive waste left over from manufacturing nuclear fuel and bombs. DU bullets were designed in the 1970s to defeat top-line Soviet tanks. Some 20 nations now keep the world's best armor-piercing rounds in their arsenals. First used in combat during the Gulf war, they proved to be unmatched tank slayers. (A Pentagon official points to one other benefit: the US can give away its 1.2 billion pound stockpile of radioactive waste to weapons manufacturers.) When DU smashes into a hard target, it pulverizes into breathable dust that remains radioactive for 4.5 billion years. American nuclear scientists have found that DU dust can travel at least 26 miles. Scientists of the National Institute for Health Protection in Macedonia detected eight times higher than normal levels of alpha radiation--the primary type emitted by DU--in the air during the air war. Yugoslav soldiers have found DU rounds in Bujanovic in the south, and a Swiss-led international team found "serious radioactivity" when it dug up many rounds at a radio tower near Vranje.

Despite predicting that "every future battlefield will be contaminated" with DU, the Pentagon asserts that DU risk is minimal. But training materials developed in the 1990s require full protective gear and masks in contaminated areas, in line with Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) rules. The US military requires an NRC license to handle the smallest amount of the restricted material. A US Army-commissioned health report issued just days before the Gulf war noted that radiation is linked with cancer and said that "no dose [of DU] is so low that the probability of effect is zero." Still, the Pentagon argues that "residual DU from battlefields in Kosovo does not pose a significant risk to human health."

US soldiers partly ascribe Gulf war syndrome to DU exposure. British troops deployed in Kosovo are suing their defense ministry for ailments they attribute to DU. The UN refugee agency in Kosovo now includes papers in personnel files to note work in potentially DU-contaminated areas. In Kosovo, Western de-mining groups were told by NATO to "exercise caution" and not to climb on destroyed armored vehicles. Last October Col. Eric Daxon, the US Army's top radiological expert, said: "The best thing I can tell anybody about entering a contaminated vehicle or damaged vehicle is: 'Don't do it. It is a dangerous place to be.'"

But that message never got through to hundreds of thousands of Kosovar Albanians, in whose name the Kosovo campaign was fought, and whose DU exposure could be highest. Rexh Himaj, a mechanic who lost most of his tools during the conflict, didn't think twice about salvaging parts from destroyed Serbian vehicles. Like thousands of returning refugees, he was just glad to get back to work.

But the concrete surface of a Serbian military base on the west side of Djakovica where I found him working was pockmarked with DU hits, as was the nearby road. The ground was littered with spent aluminum shell casings that are unique to 30 mm DU bullets. A boy climbed on a burned-out armored vehicle, then jumped off and kicked at a shell casing.

"Now I know it's dangerous, but that is a risk I've got to take," said Himaj, when the telltale casings are explained. His hands were greasy-black with work. "If [the Americans] didn't use this stuff, then we might still have Serbs here. On the other hand...I hope they clean it up." But cleanup is virtually impossible. One US Defense Department report lists eight soil decontamination techniques, including multiple nitric acid washes, but "in no case did the achieved separation suffice to allow unrestricted disposal."

A confidential preliminary UN report leaked in May 1999, as the bombing continued, did not mince words: "This type of ammunition is nuclear waste, and its use is very dangerous and harmful," it said. After NATO released its figures, the UN recommended that "measures should be taken to prevent access." For Kosovars, like Iraqis, such warnings may be too late.

Scott Peterson covers the Middle East for the Christian Science Monitor.

For comprehensive coverage of depleted uranium, visit <http://www.csmonitor.com/durable/1999/04/29/p1.htm>

http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=viewArticle&code=PET20061105&articleId=3715




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Healing Kosovo

Healing Kosovo




Healing Kosovo

The Boston Globe

Published: November 5, 2006
       

The war that drove the Serbian forces of Slobodan Milosevic out of Kosovo seven years ago is not much remembered today, but the nation- building mission international actors have undertaken in that breakaway region of Serbia is now approaching a fateful turning point. Getting Kosovo's future right is crucial for stability in the Balkans, for the process of European Union enlargement, and for relations among Muslims and Christians across the continent. What happens to Kosovo may also influence ethnic minorities in multiethnic states such as Russia, Iraq and Sri Lanka who form a majority in one region and want to secede and become a majority in a new independent state.

The United Nations Special Envoy for Kosovo, Martti Ahtisaari of Finland, is poised to present a proposal on the region's final status that is likely to leave maximalists among both Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority and its Serb minority dissatisfied. Even the timing of Ahtisaari's presentation is controversial, with some EU representatives wanting to delay it until after elections in Serbia that are expected before the end of the year. The logic of such a delay is politically sound. It assumes that even a protracted UN-backed process leading to some form of independence for Kosovo will provoke voters in Serbia to support hard-line nationalists in the forthcoming elections.

So it makes sense to wait a month or two before undraping a final- status plan for Kosovo that both Albanian Kosovars and Serbs will see as an imposed solution. With so much invested in the rehabilitation of Kosovo, care must be taken to prevent political passions from wrecking the construction of a peaceful and stable Kosovo.

Toward that end, a successful UN prescription for Kosovo ought to include strong guarantees of minority rights. This will be crucial. The new Kosovo will have to be constructed as a multiethnic state in which not only Serbs but Bosnian Muslims, Turks and other minorities are protected. To answer the anxieties of Serbs who are concentrated in the north of Kosovo, the new state must also be truly decentralized. And there must be cooperation with the Serbian Orthodox Church in safeguarding religious and historical sites in Kosovo that are cherished by Serbs everywhere.
Today in Opinion
Blinding Americans on Iraq
The neighborhood bully
Healing Kosovo

The 1999 war to liberate Kosovo can be counted a success only if the postwar work of nation-building is done right.

http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/11/05/opinion/edkosovo.php


                                   Serbian News Network - SNN

                                        news@antic.org

                                    http://www.antic.org/




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November 04, 2006

Russia rules out Iran sanctions, stays tough on Kosovo






Russia rules out Iran sanctions, stays tough on Kosovo




 

ussia rules out Iran sanctions, stays tough on Kosovo (Roundup)

By Shada Islam Nov 3, 2006, 16:23 GMT

Brussels - Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov on Friday rejected a draft United Nations resolution calling for sanctions against Iran, saying the text drawn up by European nations was too tough to be acceptable.

Voicing equally strong views on other global flashpoints, Lavrov, who attended a meeting with senior European Union officials in Brussels, insisted that any decision on a final status for Kosovo must take account of the views of all parties, including Serbia.

The Russian Foreign Minister also warned leaders in Georgia to stop making 'insulting statements' and to establish a 'normal, civilized relationship with Moscow.'

With discussions on Iran's nuclear programme currently under way at the UN, relations with Tehran were top of the agenda in Lavrov's talks with chief EU diplomat Javier Solana and Finnish Foreign Minister Erkki Tuomioja.

In a joint press conference with Tuomioja, Lavrov told reporters he was not ready to back a European-authored draft UN resolution calling for sanctions against Tehran.

The draft text 'goes way beyond what was agreed,' warned Lavrov.

Any action taken against Iran must be 'reasonable, proportionate and...in stages,' he said.

The tough-talking Lavrov insisted that Moscow was still ready to continue discussions on the issue.

'We do not intend to drop back our efforts as regards dealing with Iran...all our efforts are concentrated on achieving a single aim: ensuring that we have no nuclear proliferation,' Lavrov underlined.

Moscow's continuing refusal to back sanctions against Iran is a major concern for Britain, France and Germany and the US which argue that Tehran's nuclear programme is aimed at the development of illicit nuclear weapons.

China - which like Russia is also a veto-wielding member of the UN Security Council - also opposes tough sanctions against Iran.

Iran argues that its nuclear programme is aimed at the peaceful, civilian use of nuclear energy.

The draft resolution currently under study in the UN calls on nations to stop the sale and supply of equipment, technology and funds which could help Iran's nuclear programme.

It also calls for a freezing of assets of people and entities involved in these programmes. A visa ban against key Iranian officials would also be enforced.

Turning to the final status of the Serbian breakaway province of Kosovo, Lavrov insisted any agreement reached by special UN envoy Martti Ahtisaari would have to be based on a 'compromise.'

A final decision has to be 'acceptable to all parties,' including Serbia, said Lavrov, adding: 'I am not aware of any conflict anywhere in the world which can be solved in any other way.'

The Russian Foreign Minister warned that a decision imposed from the 'top down' would unravel.

'We support the efforts by Ahtisaari...but not necessarily any ultimatum to any party,' said Lavrov.

Ahtisaari is set to propose a checklist plan which would gradually lead Serbia's breakaway province from conditional to full independence.

The package needs to be fine-tuned by Ahtisaari and the Contact Group during the first few half of November. If the plans work out, the package would then be passed to Serbian and Kosovar leaderships.

The EU has dismissed references to Belgrade's sovereignty over Kosovo contained in the new Serbian constitution.

A spokeswoman for the European Commission - the EU's executive arm - said last week that the future status of Kosovo 'was a separate matter' which could only be decided as part of negotiations being conducted by Ahtisaari.

Kosovo has been run by the UN since 1999, when NATO intervened to stop a Serb crackdown against the ethnic-Albanian population.

Focusing on Russia's relations with the EU, Tuomioja said he expected negotiations on a new bilateral agreement between the two sides to be launched at summit talks between Russian President Vladimir Putin and EU leaders in Helsinki on November 24.

'The EU is one of our key partners in economic affairs and more and more in political affairs,' added Lavrov.

© 2006 dpa - Deutsche Presse-Agentur


 
http://news.monstersandcritics.com/europe/article_1217953.php/Russia_rules_out_Iran_sanctions_stays_tough_on_Kosovo__Roundup_


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November 03, 2006

Jim Jatras: In search for Kosovo solution

Jim Jatras: In search for Kosovo solution




 
 

Interview with Jim Jatras

 

IN SEARCH FOR KOSOVO SOLUTION

 
Message by Bishop Artemije to democratic world:
Do not "tolerate violations of religious freedoms and the extermination of Christianity" in Kosovo by Albanians.
Do not consider "the creation of an independent Kosovo managed by criminals and jihad supporters."
 
Bishop Artemije of Raska and Prizren has appealed to the Canadian authorities to use their influence with the Group 8 and NATO to secure ''a re-examination of the wrong policy of the international community in connection with the recognition of the independence of Kosovo and Metohija.'' ''I wonder how it is possible that the international community and the democratic world tolerate violations of religious freedoms and the extermination of Christianity, while they are considering the creating of an independent Kosovo managed by criminals and jihad supporters,'' Bishop Artemije told a press conference held at the Canadian Parliament in Ottawa. During his visit to Ottawa on October 26, His Grace bishop Artemije had talks with members of Canadian Parliament in charge of foreign relations. H.R. James Bissett former Canadian Ambassdor to Yugoslavia and Jim Jatras, director of the American Council for Kosovo accompanied the Bishop. In the effort to gather as much support for his mission in keeping Kosovo as an integral part of Serbia Bishop Artemije and Jim Jatras had similar high-level talks in Washington and Moscow in September and October this year.
 
What is the significance of these visits?
Each of the countries you have mentioned is very important to the effort we have been mounting on behalf of the Serbian community in Kosovo, under the spiritual guidance of Bishop Artemije. The American government (my government) is largely the source of the problem. It appears that the Russian government is largely the solution to the problem, and we think that Canadian government can be a very useful catalyst in opening the eyes of the international community to the seriousness of the error, which some people would like to commit in Kosovo. The Canadian government has a very high international reputation regarding the rule of law and observance of international standards. It was with that appeal we came to the Parliament to enlist the support of the Canadian public and government in voicing their opinion against the illegal and unjustified detachment of Kosovo from Serbia.
 
As a Director of the American Council for Kosovo, adviser to Bishop Artemije and the Serbs from Kosovo, what is your strategy in fighting against enormous pressure by many foreign factors that insist on granting independence to Albanian Muslims in Kosovo?
Essentially, through several ways: One is to broaden the circle of public opinion here in the United States to focus the concerns of politically and socially active sectors on Kosovo.   This means we are reaching out to groups that are concerned about a number of issues like human rights, religious freedom, global terrorism, and so forth, and directing their attention toward Kosovo, because until now most of these interests are not focused on Kosovo.   Instead, Kosovo is being dealt with by a small group of bureaucrats who made up their minds a long time ago as to what the solution for Kosovo ought to be – independence -- and are still perusing that option. We are trying to make as hard for them as possible. At the same time, the second elemennt -- and that was the reason for our trip to Moscow -- was to remind people there of the extent to which those favoring the illegal detachment of Kosovo from Serbia also tend to be the most anti-Russia elements of our government. If Russia is in a position to stand up on strong, legal authority and say, "No, we will not permit the illegal detachment of Kosovo from Serbia," that places the agenda of these Washington bureaucrats in a very difficult position, because they have no other way to get to their goal without a new Security Council resolution.   Of course the third important element is that Serbian government has been very strong in saying they will not agree to the detachment, and I think that the overwhelming approval of those who voted on verifying the Serbian Constitution reinforced that very strongly.
 
You have just mentioned your and Bishop Artemije's  visit to Moscow. How much can you count on Moscow support and how serious is Moscow?
 
There has been an increased assertiveness from Russia that is very different from the kind of policy we saw during the Yeltsin era and even in the early years of the Putin presidency, where we had the color revolutions and NATO expansion and, essentially, just over and over again diktat from Washington, which the Russians were, forced to accommodate. I do not think they feel like being so accommodating any more. Russia's cooperation is very much needed for more important areas of American diplomacy having to do with North Korea, Iran and so forth. The idea that we can just simply dictate to Russia and they'll agree to something that is against their interests -- I think that this is something they are tired of over there. They are not going to allow themselves to be pushed around on this one. Now it is less the question of whether Moscow is going to stand up in support of Serbia, as much as their being prepared to stand up in defense of their own interests.
 
We have heard on CNN two day ago, David Gergen—editor-at-large for US News and World Report repeating what Clinton and others have said before, that in order to build new bridges of trust so that Muslim lands do not remain a breeding ground for new waves of terrorists, we should point out to these Muslims how much America has sacrificed to protect Muslims in Bosnia and Kosovo. Will this kind of appeasement of Muslims by the West work?
 
There is no doubt that that kind of thought among many people in Washington is a large part what is wrong with the American policy on Kosovo. The 9/11 Commission, for example, made exactly the same recommendation in its report: that we (the United States) need to convey our good will towards the Islamic world through that kind of example. The only trouble with that idea is that is shows a complete and total incomprehension of the Islamic mind on the part of people who say these kinds of things. Looking at any jihad site on Internet will show you that they do not see any good will at all on the basis of this kind of intervention on behalf of Muslims in Kosovo and Bosnia. On the contrary, they see Bosnia and Kosovo as just examples of victimization of Muslims by non-Muslims, and it doesn't matter by whom -- by Americans, by Israelis, by Russians, by Serbs, by Indians. That is all what they see from their point of view. The idea that America is going to buy any good will in the Islamic world by that kind of action is absurd. They just do not understand what they are talking about.    
 
Kosovo is part of Serbia and will remain so. This is what we have heard from Bishop Artemije and you during your visit to Ottawa. How could we in Canada and elsewhere help?
 
One very important thing – and this is something that was clear during our visit to Ottawa – is to keep in mind that Bishop Artemije is the shepherd of a flock that will be eradicated if Kosovo becomes an independent state. Bishop Artemije speaks out with an overwhelming moral voice in support for his Christian Serbian community in Kosovo, for the Christian presence in Kosovo against jihad terrorism and organized crime in Kosovo. Everyone who hears this program in Canada or elsewhere can do two things. First, they should contact their elected representatives and tell them it would be wrong for their government (if they are listening in Canada, the Canadian government, -- in the USA the American government) to support this illegal detachment of Kosovo from Serbia, which would result in a majorr gain for terrorism and organized crime.   Second, the other very important thing is to do anything and everything that can be done to support Bishop Artemije. Please visit our site www.savekosovo.com. In light of the delay in the decision on imposing a "final status" -- which we now see -- there is an element of growing panic on the Albanian side that things are slipping away from them. We nneed to build on that momentum. Contact your government, say NO to Kosovo independence -- and support Bishop Artemije.  
 
Boba Borojevic


 





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Jim Jatras: In search for Kosovo solution

Jim Jatras: In search for Kosovo solution




 
 

Interview with Jim Jatras

 

IN SEARCH FOR KOSOVO SOLUTION

 
Message by Bishop Artemije to democratic world:
Do not "tolerate violations of religious freedoms and the extermination of Christianity" in Kosovo by Albanians.
Do not consider "the creation of an independent Kosovo managed by criminals and jihad supporters."
 
Bishop Artemije of Raska and Prizren has appealed to the Canadian authorities to use their influence with the Group 8 and NATO to secure ''a re-examination of the wrong policy of the international community in connection with the recognition of the independence of Kosovo and Metohija.'' ''I wonder how it is possible that the international community and the democratic world tolerate violations of religious freedoms and the extermination of Christianity, while they are considering the creating of an independent Kosovo managed by criminals and jihad supporters,'' Bishop Artemije told a press conference held at the Canadian Parliament in Ottawa. During his visit to Ottawa on October 26, His Grace bishop Artemije had talks with members of Canadian Parliament in charge of foreign relations. H.R. James Bissett former Canadian Ambassdor to Yugoslavia and Jim Jatras, director of the American Council for Kosovo accompanied the Bishop. In the effort to gather as much support for his mission in keeping Kosovo as an integral part of Serbia Bishop Artemije and Jim Jatras had similar high-level talks in Washington and Moscow in September and October this year.
 
What is the significance of these visits?
Each of the countries you have mentioned is very important to the effort we have been mounting on behalf of the Serbian community in Kosovo, under the spiritual guidance of Bishop Artemije. The American government (my government) is largely the source of the problem. It appears that the Russian government is largely the solution to the problem, and we think that Canadian government can be a very useful catalyst in opening the eyes of the international community to the seriousness of the error, which some people would like to commit in Kosovo. The Canadian government has a very high international reputation regarding the rule of law and observance of international standards. It was with that appeal we came to the Parliament to enlist the support of the Canadian public and government in voicing their opinion against the illegal and unjustified detachment of Kosovo from Serbia.
 
As a Director of the American Council for Kosovo, adviser to Bishop Artemije and the Serbs from Kosovo, what is your strategy in fighting against enormous pressure by many foreign factors that insist on granting independence to Albanian Muslims in Kosovo?
Essentially, through several ways: One is to broaden the circle of public opinion here in the United States to focus the concerns of politically and socially active sectors on Kosovo.   This means we are reaching out to groups that are concerned about a number of issues like human rights, religious freedom, global terrorism, and so forth, and directing their attention toward Kosovo, because until now most of these interests are not focused on Kosovo.   Instead, Kosovo is being dealt with by a small group of bureaucrats who made up their minds a long time ago as to what the solution for Kosovo ought to be – independence -- and are still perusing that option. We are trying to make as hard for them as possible. At the same time, the second elemennt -- and that was the reason for our trip to Moscow -- was to remind people there of the extent to which those favoring the illegal detachment of Kosovo from Serbia also tend to be the most anti-Russia elements of our government. If Russia is in a position to stand up on strong, legal authority and say, "No, we will not permit the illegal detachment of Kosovo from Serbia," that places the agenda of these Washington bureaucrats in a very difficult position, because they have no other way to get to their goal without a new Security Council resolution.   Of course the third important element is that Serbian government has been very strong in saying they will not agree to the detachment, and I think that the overwhelming approval of those who voted on verifying the Serbian Constitution reinforced that very strongly.
 
You have just mentioned your and Bishop Artemije's  visit to Moscow. How much can you count on Moscow support and how serious is Moscow?
 
There has been an increased assertiveness from Russia that is very different from the kind of policy we saw during the Yeltsin era and even in the early years of the Putin presidency, where we had the color revolutions and NATO expansion and, essentially, just over and over again diktat from Washington, which the Russians were, forced to accommodate. I do not think they feel like being so accommodating any more. Russia's cooperation is very much needed for more important areas of American diplomacy having to do with North Korea, Iran and so forth. The idea that we can just simply dictate to Russia and they'll agree to something that is against their interests -- I think that this is something they are tired of over there. They are not going to allow themselves to be pushed around on this one. Now it is less the question of whether Moscow is going to stand up in support of Serbia, as much as their being prepared to stand up in defense of their own interests.
 
We have heard on CNN two day ago, David Gergen—editor-at-large for US News and World Report repeating what Clinton and others have said before, that in order to build new bridges of trust so that Muslim lands do not remain a breeding ground for new waves of terrorists, we should point out to these Muslims how much America has sacrificed to protect Muslims in Bosnia and Kosovo. Will this kind of appeasement of Muslims by the West work?
 
There is no doubt that that kind of thought among many people in Washington is a large part what is wrong with the American policy on Kosovo. The 9/11 Commission, for example, made exactly the same recommendation in its report: that we (the United States) need to convey our good will towards the Islamic world through that kind of example. The only trouble with that idea is that is shows a complete and total incomprehension of the Islamic mind on the part of people who say these kinds of things. Looking at any jihad site on Internet will show you that they do not see any good will at all on the basis of this kind of intervention on behalf of Muslims in Kosovo and Bosnia. On the contrary, they see Bosnia and Kosovo as just examples of victimization of Muslims by non-Muslims, and it doesn't matter by whom -- by Americans, by Israelis, by Russians, by Serbs, by Indians. That is all what they see from their point of view. The idea that America is going to buy any good will in the Islamic world by that kind of action is absurd. They just do not understand what they are talking about.    
 
Kosovo is part of Serbia and will remain so. This is what we have heard from Bishop Artemije and you during your visit to Ottawa. How could we in Canada and elsewhere help?
 
One very important thing – and this is something that was clear during our visit to Ottawa – is to keep in mind that Bishop Artemije is the shepherd of a flock that will be eradicated if Kosovo becomes an independent state. Bishop Artemije speaks out with an overwhelming moral voice in support for his Christian Serbian community in Kosovo, for the Christian presence in Kosovo against jihad terrorism and organized crime in Kosovo. Everyone who hears this program in Canada or elsewhere can do two things. First, they should contact their elected representatives and tell them it would be wrong for their government (if they are listening in Canada, the Canadian government, -- in the USA the American government) to support this illegal detachment of Kosovo from Serbia, which would result in a majorr gain for terrorism and organized crime.   Second, the other very important thing is to do anything and everything that can be done to support Bishop Artemije. Please visit our site www.savekosovo.com. In light of the delay in the decision on imposing a "final status" -- which we now see -- there is an element of growing panic on the Albanian side that things are slipping away from them. We nneed to build on that momentum. Contact your government, say NO to Kosovo independence -- and support Bishop Artemije.  
 
Boba Borojevic


 





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November 02, 2006

Don't Support Independence for Kosovo, Urges Former Envoy

 
http://www.embassymag.ca/html/index.php?display=story&full_path=/2006/november/1/kosovo/
Embassy, November 1st, 2006
NEWS STORY
By Brian Adeba

Don't Support Independence for Kosovo, Urges Former Envoy

Canada's last ambassador to Yugoslavia says rights, but analysts say last week's independence vote is purely symbolic.

As voters in Serbia prepared to vote on a new constitution last week, a former Canadian ambassador to the former Yugoslavia and a top prelate from the Serbian Orthodox church called on Canada not to support moves to grant independence to Kosovo.

Flanked by Bishop Artemijc Radosavljevic of Kosovo, James Bissett, who was Canada's last ambassador to the country formerly known as Yugoslavia, told a press conference on Parliament Hill that the ethnic Albanian leadership in Kosovo is incapable of protecting the rights of non-Albanians in the former Yugoslav province.

"If there's any group of people in the world less deserving of independence, it's the Albanians in Kosovo, who have proven by their terror and their barbaric treatment of non-Albanians in the last seven years that they are not meeting any standards that would qualify them for joining the democratic nations of the United Nations," said Mr. Bissett.

Kosovo has been under UN protection since 1999 when NATO launched an air campaign to drive out Serbian forces to stop the mass killing of the region's Albanian population. The region was the centre of the Serbian Empire until 1389, when the Ottoman Turks defeated the Serbs. The Serbs regained Kosovo from the Turks in 1913 and proceeded to declare it a province of Serbia. There are 1.5 million ethnic Albanians in Kosovo and 200,000 Serbs. When fighting erupted between ethnic Albanian guerillas of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in the late 1990s, about 100,000 Serbs were forced to flee their homes in the province. KLA activities elicited a brutal response from Serbian forces, leading NATO to intervene to stop what at the time was seen as the cleansing of ethnic Albanians. Serbs consider Kosovo as the birthplace of their empire and have resisted attempts to grant it independence, even though the region is ruled by ethnic Albanians under UN protection.

Bishop Artemijc accused the ethnic Albanian leadership of allowing the destruction of 150 churches and abetting the expulsion of Serbs from the region.

"Independence means the destruction of my people and uprooting from my birth place," he said.

Although Canada did not take part in the NATO bombing, it has a duty, as a member of the international community, to prevent an imposed independence on Kosovo, Mr. Bissett said.

Symbolic Vote Won't Drive Independence

The UN, under former Finnish president Martti Ahtisaari, is expected to deliver a verdict on the status of Kosovo by the end of this year. Diplomats and analysts predict Mr. Ahtisaari will suggest independence for Kosovo under the supervision of the European Union. Mr. Bissett also called on Mr. Ahtisaari to resign for uttering partisan statements in public.

"The parameters are geared in such a way that will grant one solution–independence. Ahtasaari has said as much and that statement alone should have completely disqualified him and he should have been asked to step down," said Mr. Bissett.

Agim Hadri, president of the Kosovo Information Centre, a Toronto-based non-profit organization that aims to inform Canadians about Kosovo, dismissed claims that the Albanian population is forcing Serbs out of Kosovo as "pure manipulation." He also said the region's Albanian population supports independence, and nothing short of it will satisfy them.

"It is now almost the reality, it just remains to be put on paper," he said.

Mr. Hadri also dismissed Bishop Artemijc's claims that Serbs are facing eviction in Kosovo, arguing that many left Kosovo on their own will. Mr. Hadri also said Mr. Bissett should not be taken seriously because he is partisan.

"He was always pro-Serbia during the NATO humanitarian intervention, and I don't think we have to take into consideration what he said."

Last week Serbians voted by a thin majority of 51 per cent to recognize Kosovo as an integral part of Serbia. Edith Klein, program advisor for the European Studies progam at the University of Toronto, said the vote will remain symbolic, as it is unlikely to halt the drive for independence.

"It's a way for the government of Serbia to make noise, but there's no substantial meaning to it," she said, adding that the thin majority is a clear indication that some Serbs want to move beyond the Kosovo issue.

"More moderate Serbs accept that Kosovo is not part of the future," said Ms. Klein.

Fears that political stability will remain elusive in a scenario where Kosovo becomes independent are unrealistic, said Robert Austin, from the Centre for European, Russian and Eurasian Studies at the University of Toronto.

"I think an independent Kosovo is the best thing for stability in the region because there's no way you could put the old Yugoslavia back," he said, adding that it will normalize political life and lead to a new focus on the economy. Mr. Austin also said UN and international mediators are aware that last week's referendum in Serbia will have no impact on the future of Kosovo.

Ethnic Albanians, who have boycotted previous elections organized by Serbia, were barred from voting.

Mr. Austin also believes that an independent Kosovo will put into place measures to ensure the rights of the Serb minority are respected since the region will still be under the scrutiny of the European Union.

brian@embassymag.ca



 


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