June 16, 2011

Daniel Serwer: Why are the Serbians protesting?

Why are the Serbians protesting?

Raikhlina Sasha

Jun 16, 2011 14:38 Moscow Time

 

 

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Interview with Professor Daniel Serwer, a senior fellow at the Centre for the Transatlantic Relations to the Johns Hopkins University and a former minister-counselor at the Department of State.

Belgrade is hosting a NATO conference amid nationalist protests against the alliance. Why are the Serbians protesting?

It's the anniversary of the end of the NATO-Serbian war, and there are people in Serbia who don't want to become members to NATO, and they're protesting. That's their right.

Why don't they see the benefit of becoming a member-state of NATO?

I think there are two considerations. One is that NATO was their enemy and NATO continues to pressure them on Kosovo and on other issues that they don't want to be pressured on. But in addition to that I think it's true that if Serbia would join NATO it would mean that it would have to settle all its issues with its neighbours. That would mean settling the issue of Kosovo to the satisfaction of quite a few NATO members that have recognized Kosovo. So, it's not only about the past, which is quite problematic between NATO and Serbia, it's also about the present and future.

So, Serbia won't be admitted into NATO unless they choose to recognize Kosovo?

I don't say it can be admitted into NATO unless it somehow settles its issue with Kosovo to the satisfaction of both Pristina and Belgrade. It would be a bit foolish for the alliance to admit a member that hadn't agreed on its borders with its neighbor.

Is Serbia's current government supportive of cooperation with NATO?

The government has made a decision about joining NATO, and it has been supportive of cooperation with NATO in Partnership for Peace. But, you know, there's a strong nationalist opposition inside Serbia. Lots of countries have trouble with joining NATO, and Serbia is not unusual in this practice. But at the same time, I think Serbian armed forces, in particular, have been anxious to begin to meet NATO standards. That's important to them as professional soldiers – NATO standards are pretty much world standards these days. They've got different views inside Serbia, and that's perfectly natural.

What is the current extent of cooperation between Serbia and NATO?

Serbia is a member of Partnership for Peace, and it has some soldiers deployed with NATO forces. Cooperation is quite good, I think. But again, cooperating with NATO and becoming a member of NATO are two quite distinct things. NATO only has an obligation to defend its members. If you are not a member of NATO, your obligations to NATO will be quite limited.

But what are the benefits that Serbia will enjoy in joining NATO, if it ever does?

It will enjoy the military defence aspect of NATO – and that's a big plus for a lot of countries. But, essentially, there are also greatly enhanced possibilities and industrial cooperation and that kind of thing with NATO companies. So, there are industrial, military and political advantages to be a member of NATO. But there are countries who choose not to be NATO members as well. NATO isn't so much actively looking for new members as it's trying to keep the door open for those who decide they want to join and commit to NATO standards.

Have any of Serbia's neighbours become members of the alliance?

Yes, Croatia is a member of the alliance, Albania is a member of the alliance. And there are a number of others who'd like to become a member of the alliance. A lot of its neighbours, including Hungary, are already in NATO. It doesn't mean it has to join NATO, it means that it's a bit more of an incentive to do so.

Have other Balkan countries, who have become members of NATO, enjoyed significant increase in international political influence?

You have to ask them. But I think it's a general feeling in the Balkans that being part of the NATO club is a good thing. It's good for you military, it's good for your standing in the world, it's good for self-posture – there's a general feeling that it's a good thing for Balkan countries. Most of them either have joined or aspire to join, and I think Serbia is the one that has actually reserved it position.

And what is NATO's interest in the Balkans, specifically in Serbia?

The NATO interest in the Balkans is to make sure that the Balkans stay stable, and there are no further alterations in borders in the Balkans. And then NATO gets the benefit of some troops and capability from those countries. But those contributions to the alliance are necessarily very small.

Do you think that Serbia's not joining NATO will interfere with NATO's missile defence shield plan?
No, not at all. It's perfectly irrelevant to that. Nobody is going to pressure Serbia to join NATO. They join if they want – and if they don't they don't.

Do you think the public opinion in Serbia can be reversed in favour of NATO?

I don't know the answer to that question. I don't know whether public opinion in Serbia will ever favour NATO membership. But I can tell you that, if you talk at least privately to the military, they are rather keen on it because of the professional advantages. And certainly quite a few politicians would like to do it. But the public opinion polls weren't favourable, and that's quite understandable. Serbia fought a war with NATO.

http://english.ruvr.ru/2011/06/16/51895645.html

June 14, 2011

Vichy Serbia Sends War Hero To His Death

 

Vichy Serbia Sends War Hero To His Death
 
By Vojin Joksimovich, Ph.D.
 
Modern Tokyo Times
 
Arrest of General Mladic
 
The Serbian president Boris Tadic triumphantly announced that General Ratko Mladic, the Bosnian Serb commander in the 1992-1995 civil and religious war in Bosnia, was arrested. The arrest took place on May 26 in the village of Lazarevo (to be renamed by residents to Ratkovo or Mladicevo in honor of General Mladic) near the northern Serbian city of Zrenjanin. The same day baroness Katherine Ashton, EU's foreign policy commissar, was visiting Belgrade. Tadic has been viewed by many, in particular in the Serbian diaspora, as President of the Vichy Serbia. He pompously stated how the arrest of the 69 year-old Bosnian Serb war hero means: reconciliation in the region, end of a difficult era in the Serbian history, lifts stain from the face of Serbia and from Serbs, fulfillment of national and international obligations, and rule of law. Some 12,000 Bosnian Serbs protested in Banja Luka against the arrest. One of the protestors said that Mladic's arrest was the "greatest disgrace the Serb people had seen in the past 20 years." The president of Republika Srpska (RS) veterans said: "President Tadic cannot speak about the need to remove a stain from the Serb people, because the Serb people's face is clean." There were demonstrations in Belgrade as well organized by the Serbian Radical Party (SRS in Serbian). Dr.Vojislav Seselj, the party leader, sent a letter from detention in The Hague saying that the stain will be removed once president Tadic is arrested and accusing him of being a traitor.
 
Mladic was staying in Lazarevo with his relative Branko Mladic without any physical protection whatsoever. At the time of arrest, Mladic told the policemen: "Kudos, I am the one you are looking for." This fact didn't prevent Tadic from claiming that his government worked very hard to arrest him for years and that he didn't know about his hiding place. Srdja Trifkovic, quoting his Belgrade sources, said that General Mladic decided to give himself up in return for a substantial financial reward to his family. The Serbian authorities stopped paying his pension in 2005. John McTernan published an article in the London Telegraph four hours after the Mladic's arrest titled: "The Arrest of Ratko Mladic Tells Muammar Gaddafi—You Can Run But You Can't Hide."
 
Tadic even had audacity to tell the French TV that arrest of General Mladic wasn't done to please the EU or the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) but that the arrest marks a proud day for Serbia. Unlike Osama bin Laden, who was killed by U.S. forces on Pakistani soil, Mladic was arrested in Serbia by Serbia's own authorities. Tadic has obviously learned this trait from his western mentors how to spin an outright lie in order to advance his cause. The arrest came days after Serge Brammertz, the ICTY chief prosecutor, filed a negative report with the UN Security Council about Serbia's co-operation with the ICTY. Brammertz's negative report would probably have buried Serbia's candidacy this year, threatening Tadic's chances of re-election next year.
 
Tadic was of course aware that the public opinion in Serbia was against the arrest as illustrated in the polls. The last one conducted some ten days before the arrest showed that 51% were against, 34% were in favor, 40% felt that Mladic was a war hero, and 53% that the ICTY, where the Nuremberg principle is applied to Serbia, is biased against the Serbs.
The ICTY has failed miserably to provide justice in many cases, notably in Milosevic and Seselj cases. A poll conducted after the arrest suggested that 71% respondents felt that Tadic was a principal beneficiary. "Now, no EU government including the Dutch, should continue putting off a decision to grant Serbia status of the Candidate to join the union," Tadic stated.
The Dutch badly want to use the Mladic case to exonerate Dutch UN peacekeeping battalion accused of standing by and watching the Srebrenica "massacre." Srebrenica was a UN designated demilitarized enclave, but instead was used by the Bosnian Muslim Army as a base for their murderous forays into the surrounding Serbian villages. 3.250 Serbs were massacred in those villages. This is well documented by medical examiners. Mladic was offered as a human sacrifice on the altar of political expediency when his only "crime" was the defense of Serbian civilians from Croat and Bosnian Muslim brigands.
 
In a matter of five days, the Serbian Justice Minister Snezana Malovic signed the extradition order. Previously a Belgrade court rejected an appeal filed by his lawyers to stop his extradition claiming that their client was not mentally or physically fit to stand the trial. His lawyer, Milos Saljic, claimed that he was in possession of a medical record showing that Mladic received treatment at a Belgrade clinic (April-July 2009) where he was operated on and received chemotherapy. Mladic was allowed to see his wife Bosiljka and son Darko after 10 years. The court also allowed him to visit the daughter's grave. She died tragically at the age of 23. He is obviously a sick man and in all likelihood will end up like the Serbian president Milosevic did, who died in custody while he was on trial due the ICTY denial of his medical treatment. Hence, in all probability Tadic has sent the Bosnian Serb war hero to death.
 
It doesn't appear that Serbia will get much in return if anything. EU Parliament Rapporteur for Kosovo Ulrike Lunacek said that extradition of Mladic is insufficient for Serbia to join EU and that Serbia must do a whole lot more if it wants to join EU. "Serbia must show that it is ready to expand relations with an independent Kosovo." The Dutch Parliament delayed initiation of the ratification process regarding the Serbian EU candidacy until they have an opportunity to study Brammertz's report and until the last Serbian inductee, Goran Hadzic, is delivered. The western mainstream media cared little about Tadic's spin of the events and as Nebojsa Malic stated "proceeded to dredge up every bit of mud they've ever slug at Serbia and the Serbs." The Financial Times (FT) was an exception advocating that Mladic's arrest "deserves a generous EU response."
 
In addition to Tadic the most jubilant have been his mentors in Brussels and Washington, as well as the NATO, the ICTY and the Dutch government. The Dutch PM stated that the arrest represents the victory for the international law. In The Hague Mladic has faced eleven counts of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. The genocide charge is of course also known by many as the "Srebrenica Hoax". This giant hoax, however, is likely to be used yet again to undermine legitimacy of the Bosnian Serb Republic. Numerous articles, testimonies, and several books have been published, as well as a recent Norwegian documentary produced after four years of research, challenging the ICTY Srebrenica unsubstantiated version based upon a testimony of  a Croatian mercenary, Drazen Erdemovic, who earned  release for his damning testimony. Mladic personally oversaw evacuation of civilians after five Serbian tanks and several hundred soldiers entered the town on July 11, 1995. The Muslim garrison in town, in access of 5,000 troops, acting upon orders from Sarajevo, made a break to reach Tuzla. On the way to Tuzla they were crossing mine fields and fighting fortified Bosnian Serb Army. They had experienced heavy casualties, anywhere up to 3,000 of them didn't make it to Tuzla. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright didn't announce the Srebrenica "massacre" until August 10, after the "Operation Storm," conducted against the Krajina Serbs by the neighboring Croatia with support from the Pentagon contractor MPRI. Several thousand Serbs were murdered in that operation and over 200,000 were ethnically cleansed. Albright subsequently displayed some doctored satellite shots with an alleged mass grave in a soccer field. An American soldier who guarded that field for four months told this writer that nothing was ever found there. 
 
Mladic, facing the ICTY inquisitors, declined to enter a plea to "obnoxious" charges, meaning he doesn't accept the ICTY legitimacy. He was then granted a request to move the court into private session in order to make statements regarding his health. His lawyer said that he is suffering from cancer of the lymph nodes.
 
New World Order (NWO) and Yugoslavia
 
In 1990, President Bush 41 declared the NWO, the U.S. led unipolar world. Subsequently, Francis Fukuyama published the book in 1992: The End of History and the Last Man. The book provided a philosophical/ visionary backing for the NWO. In it he argued that the worldwide spread of liberal democracies may signal the end point of humanity's sociocultural evolution and become the final form of human government. The economic component of the NWO is globalization, centered on a capitalist corporate hegemony. It is a collection of transnational corporations with their astronomical resources and control of the world economy. Essentially it amounts to yielding of political sovereignty to the proven corporate system. This writer has used the term era of corporatocracy.
 
Reflecting the NWO, the U.S. policies regarding Yugoslavia were formulated in 1992. Yugoslavia became an experimental ground for testing the NWO premises: democratization, market economy, and if democracy is not the right approach than the war option. The U.S. endorsed the EU (then EC) Badinter Commission recommendation that Yugoslavia should be dismembered along the republican borders of Tito's Yugoslavia. As a result Bosnia was recognized as an independent state. The Bosnian Muslim leadership saw this as an opportunity to create the first Islamic republic in Europe with support from the entire Muslim world including Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Osama bin Laden's mujahedeen. The Bosnian Serbs opposed this Islamic Republic remembering vividly the WWII genocide committed by two Muslim SS divisions. Bloody 42 months civil and religious erupted. Part of the game was to prove that the Bosnian Muslims were victims of genocide like the Jews were in WWII. Srebrenica "massacre" was used by the NWO to justify the NATO intervention against the Bosnian Serbs. Subsequently it was up to the ICTY to punish the Bosnian Serb political and military leaders. The ICTY has used faked legal evidence in order to retroactively justify the U.S./NATO aggression on the Bosnian Serbs in support of the Bosnian Muslims.
 
The "Racak massacre" was a replica of that well established methodology in Kosovo. It became the casus belli for aggression on the then Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) consisting of Serbia and Montenegro. The Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija was amputated from Serbia and turned into a UN/NATO protectorate. 
 
Vishy Serbia
 
Vichy France, Vichy Regime, or Vichy Government is a common term used to describe the government of France from July 1940 to August 1944. Vichy France was established after France surrendered to Germany on June 22 1940. It was allied with the Axis powers. Marshal Philippe Petain proclaimed this collaborative government with the Nazis and established a reactionary program of so called Revolution Nationale, aimed at "regenerating the nation." In 1945, Petain was sentenced to death for treason, but his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment.
 
On March 24, 1999 NATO bombs and cruise missiles started raining over Serbian targets, marking the first time in NATO's history that the alliance directed its military might—second to none in the world— at a sovereign nation, which posed no threat to anybody. This naked aggression broke international law seven different ways as discussed in my book Kosovo is Serbia. Former Nuremberg War Crimes Prosecutor, Walter Rockler wrote: "The attack on Yugoslavia constitutes the most brazen international aggression since the Nazis attacked Poland to prevent 'Polish atrocities' against Germans. " After 78 days of incessant bombing the Serbia's province of Kosovo and Metohija was amputated from Serbia to become the UN/NATO protectorate. In 2008 Kosovo Albanians declared unilateral declaration of independence in unprecedented violation of the UN Charter and the Helsinki Accords. Thus far no more than 75 UN members have recognized this illegitimate U.S./NATO creation. Serbia has refused to recognize Kosovo but has been under constant pressure from the U.S. and the EU to do so.
 
In order to remove Milosevic from the office in October 2000, the U.S. invested some $100 million by supporting the Serbian "democratic" opposition parties (~$70 million) as well as the student movement called Otpor (Resistance), which championed non-violent approach to overthrow the government. Otpor developed methodology, which was subsequently applied in Ukraine and Georgia, more recently in the Cairo Tahir square. The Serbian "democratic" parties, some 17 of them, could be divided into so called globalists and nationalists.
 
The globalists have been led by the Democratic Party (DS in Serbian) in essence following the Vichy France model and thus becoming vassals or quislings supported by their mentors in Washington and Brussels. The fact that NATO demolished the Serbian infrastructure, committed an ecocide and killed some 2,500 citizens didn't prevent the DS from wanting even to join NATO step by step. However, thus far this hasn't happened because of the negative public view of NATO. According to the last research, only 20% Serbs would support NATO accession. However, joining the EU became an equivalent of the Revolution Nationale especially during Tadic's presidency.
 
In addition, the Serbian globalists were ordered to implement economic reforms aimed at wholesales of state properties to multinational companies. Previously, the Serbian companies were controlled by the worker's councils in accordance with the self-management doctrine principles introduced by the communist party in Tito's era. Many of these companies were sold to companies, which participated in the 1999 bombing of Serbia. Thousands of companies were sold in forthcoming 2-3 years. The World Bank was full of praise for the Serbian "reformers." Needless to say, the prices sky-rocketed impoverishing the Serbian people but enriching the "reformers." Serbia became the country ruled by kleptomaniacs.
 
The "rabid" nationalists were the Serbian Radical Party (SRS in Serbian) led by Vojislav Seselj. They were accused of supporting the "Greater Serbia" quest in Croatian and Bosnian civil wars. Hence, their leader Seselj had to be indicted by the ICTY. The true motives were not alleged "crimes against humanity" but what the global elite sees as the greatest risk to their hegemony: sovereign states.  Dr. Vojislav Kostunica; a constitutional lawyer who defeated Milosevic in the 2000 crucial federal presidential election was viewed as a moderate nationalist and tolerated for a while because he defeated Milosevic and he was viewed as a true democrat. He became the president of Yugoslavia and later the PM of Serbia, 2004-2008. After refusing to deliver Kosovo to the Albanians, following orders from Washington, president Tadic became their true quisling. In addition, Kostunica didn't believe that Serbia should lose its sovereignty through Atlantic integrations; i.e. integration into NATO and had serious reservations towards the EU integration. This writer believes deeply in the sovereignty principles such as contained in the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia, the basic principles of which have shaped international relations since. The treaty's foundation was the doctrine of sovereignty, which declared a state's domestic conduct and institutions to be beyond the reach of other state.
 
Djindjic's Faustian Bargain
 
The NATO countries took the position that unless "Milosevic was ousted and handed over, the country would never emerge from the ruin in which it was reduced to by NATO bombs and sanctions. Yugoslavia's children would face the same fate as Iraq's. Carla Del Ponte, then the ICTY Chief Prosecutor, threatened that if Serbia fails to hand over Milosevic, its children would not be permitted to eat. "No cooperation with the Tribunal, no assistance."
 
The U.S. demanded from its Serbian vassals to arrest Milosevic on April 1, 2001 to meet the deadline established by the U.S. Congress, which linked the U.S. assistance to arrest of Milosevic. Late Zoran Djindjic, a DS founder and the PM of Serbia, was groomed by the U.S. and Germany to become a loyal quisling. He was praised by western leaders such as President Bush and Tony Blair for his leadership, energy to reform Serbia and for being a true democrat. Neil Clark, in his March 2011 Guardian article, claims that Djindjic, using underground criminal groups in conjunction with the CIA, orchestrated a series of assassinations of Milosevic supporters. The U.S. got the reformist government in Belgrade. Djindjic then complied with the demand from Washington to arrest Milosevic on charges of corruption and abuse of power. Milosevic surrendered after a 40-hr standoff. He was held in Belgrade's prison for three months without being arraigned. Dragisa Blanusa, the Belgrade Central Prison chief, guarded Milosevic and wrote a book. The book contains numerous valuable insights including Milosevic's blood pressure readings of over 200/110 clearly proving that he was sent to The Hague with a serious heart ailment.
 
Then June 29 deadline was set by the U.S., when a donor's conference was to take place. About $1 billion was allegedly at stake. Djindjic kidnapped Milosevic and handed him over to the ICTY, at its detention facility at the former Gestapo prison at Scheveningen, despite ruling of the Constitutional Court, which issued an order blocking his extradition. It was June 28, St. Vitus day, a special day in the Serbian history, anniversary of the Kosovo battle.  President Kostunica was informed post-factum as he was against it. Djindjic was more interested in the Faustian bargain with the masters in Washington and Brussels than observing the rule of law that his party advocated. Serbia sacrificed its sovereignty and its nine months old democratic soul. Milosevic was a huge asset but he was sold for a token amount of money. General Clark, Supreme NATO Commander, immediately claimed that handover of Milosevic completely vindicated NATO bombing of Serbia. Krajina Serb leaders were extradited hours after Milosevic. After a pause, allowing another detention facility for the Serbs to be built in The Hague, other Serbian political and military leaders were delivered.
 
Milosevic at ICTY
 
In January 2002, the ICTY amended the Kosovo Milosevic indictment to include Bosnia and Croatia. A genocide charge was added. The Western governments with full cooperation from the mainstream media have designed the propaganda lies package (agitprop) so that all Balkan ills have been blamed on the Serbs. In this fairy tale, Slobodan Milosevic was almost as omnipotent as Hitler, a rabid Serb nationalist hell-bent on creating an ethnically pure Greater Serbia. The Clinton administration used him prolifically as a bogeyman for its failed Balkan policies in large context of the NATO expansion. He was the butcher of the Balkans who unleashed four wars so that Greater Serbia could be carved out. The Los Angeles Times wrote: "Slobodan Milosevic unleashed four wars in a bloody decade of  ethnic cleansing that recast the map of Europe…His sinister nationalism propelled a vicious campaign throughout the 1990s…His quest for a Greater Serbia brought the 20th century to a messy end in Eastern Europe." The facts are that Milosevic supported secession of Slovenia and Croatia without the Serb inhabited territories. He even tacitly recognized Bosnia and Macedonia by creating the FRY. He supported all peace plans to end the Bosnian civil war, while the Clinton administration sabotaged four UN/EU (EC in those days) peace plans prior to arriving at the Dayton Accords in 1995. 
 
The Milosevic show trial started on February 2, 2002. The ICTY had an annual budget of $100 million and employed staff of 1,100. In contrast Milosevic had a 9 by 15 foot cell and a pay phone with his conversations taped. The prosecution accused Milosevic with 66 counts of war crimes in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo and asserted that he was driven by quest for power to create Greater Serbia and that he participated in a Joint Criminal Enterprise (JCE). Under the JCE doctrine, not found in prior law or even in the ICTY Statute, an accused is individually liable for crimes committed in the pursuit of the JCE. The British lawyers attending opening sessions stated that 80% charges were hearsay, and, as such would be dismissed in British courts. Milosevic, representing himself, countered that he was a fighter against Albanian terrorism, a Bosnian peace-maker and pointed the finger of blame at NATO for the very crimes for which he was being charged. Canada's best-known criminal lawyer, Edward Greenspan, pronounced that the Milosevic's trial was a "lynching,""a show trial," and a "kangaroo court."
 
Throughout the four-year trial Milosevic admirably defended himself as well as Serbia. The prosecution couldn't prove the above mentioned scripts. Even the Chief ICTY prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte, admired his defense. Because of Milosevic defense successes, his trial had completely disappeared from the TV screens and the newspapers by the time he died. He died March 2006 in the cell at the UN Detention Unit in The Hague after his human rights had been grossly violated in a medical and judicial malpractice case. He was not allowed to receive treatment in Moscow despite guarantees from the Russian government that he would return. President Tadic didn't even allow a proper funeral for the former President.
 
Seselj at ICTY
 
Seselj has voluntarily surrendered to the ICTY in 2003 but his trial is still going on. The ICTY delayed the process and prevented Seselj from pleading not guilty. However, he has been treated as convicted. Seselj, well versed in the law, proved to be the master of his own defense. The court didn't have much evidence against him so they pulled one of their standard tricks of introducing so called "protected witnesses." How the system works is illustrated with the case of protected witness DS-1. The trick of protected witnesses has been widely used by the prosecutors. In Milosevic's case the ICTY trained an Albanian witness. Milosevic cross-examined him and asked him who wrote his testimony. The witness replied that he did it. Milosevic: "How could you do it when you are illiterate?"
 
DS-1 witness, a former policeman from Subotica, was forced by the prosecution to give false testimony both against Milosevic and Seselj. DS-1 testified in the court recently and said that he was threatened by the ICTY prosecutor Paolo Pastore to be indicted unless he testifies. Before testifying he had spent a year and a half in Netherlands being trained how to testify. "It was a sad testimony," he testified. "They trained me for one month what to say and the prosecutor would give me a signal if I said something wrong." After testifying against Milosevic he was transferred to Norway under false identity where he was given" an apartment, automobile, documents and a lot of money." The U.S. taxpayers should take a note of this since the U.S. is the biggest ICTY contributor. When called to testify against Seselj, DS-1 fled Norway and returned to Serbia, "leaving everything behind." "I had nothing to testify against you" DS-1 told Seselj in the courtroom. Needless to say, this scandal was not reported in the American mainstream media.
 
Seselj was previously sentenced 15 months in jail for revealing the names of protected witnesses in the mail trial. He was indicted again this year for contempt of the court for allegedly revealing the names of all 11 protected witnesses. Seselj claims that witnesses themselves revealed their identity before he did so and DS-1 confirmed that in court. On a 2-1 decision the court decided to keep him in prison. It is speculated that President Tadic doesn't want him in Belgrade because of the elections next year.
 
Tadic: No Alternative to EU
 
Shortly after assassination of Zoran Djindjic, executed most likely by his organized crime contacts in 2003, Boris Tadic, a former Defense Minister, in 2004 was elected the DS leader and the President of Serbia, re-elected in 2008 with 50.31% of the vote. He has been pursuing pro-western policies and even apologized to both Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia for crimes committed in the name of the Serb people. In the 2004-2008 timeframe his DS party was in coalition with Kostunica's Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS in Serbian). This era was dominated by Kostunica's battle for defense of Kosovo, pursuit of national interests, balanced commitment for the EU membership and some economic successes like balanced budgets for two years. Washington and Brussels decided that Kostunica was a nationalist and actively supported Tadic's 2008 campaign including his paradoxical coalition with Milosevic's Socialist Party as the DS-DSS coalition fell apart. Tadic declared that Serbia's entry into the EU had no alternative and subordinated both the Serbian economic and foreign policies to meet that goal. Joining the EU became truly an equivalent to the Revolution Nationale. A new religion has been created. The EU entry conditions created new dogmas, while the promised entry date varies between 2018 and 2035! Croatia was promised membership on July 1, 2013, while the process was initiated in 2005. There are still unresolved issues of the legal system reform in particular fight against corruption, war crimes and restructuring of the shipbuilding industry. All 27 EU members must support the Croatian entry into the EU. Tadic's job is, however, much tougher.
 
In order to qualify for the EU candidacy, Serbia had to respond to 2,600 questions posed by the European Commission. There have been numerous demands on Serbia to give up what was left of its sovereignty. Two examples of these capitulations are offered herein: the Srebrenica resolution in the Serbian Parliament and the UN General Assembly Kosovo resolution.
 
In early January 2010 Tadic made a surprising announcement even to this writer. He declared that the Serbian parliament would pass a resolution condemning the "genocide" in Srebrenica. Bosnian Muslim nationalists or one can call them fundamentalists (Bosniaks) have seized on Srebrenica to claim the status of victims equivalent to the WWII Jewish holocaust. On March 30 the Serbian parliament did pass the resolution condemning and apologizing for the "Srebrenica massacre" with the vote of 127 in the 250 member legislature.
 
However, the word "genocide" was missing. Neither the Bosniaks nor the EU was happy with the resolution. It was revealed by EU's envoy for Serbia Slovenian Jelko Kacin that the resolution was composed elsewhere back in December 2009 and presented to Tadic as a done deal. The Turkish newspaper Zaman claimed that Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu was also privy to the text of the resolution prior to the Serbian public.
 
Tadic and his cohorts have been looking for a way to capitulate on Kosovo, while pretending not to. The formula was simple: place all diplomatic eggs in one basket—that of the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Prior to that Tadic made a disastrous decision to accept the EU's EULEX Mission in Kosovo against the advice from Moscow. On July 22, 2010 the ICJ ruled that the general international law, UN Security Council Resolution #1244, or the Constitutional Framework did not prohibit declarations of independence in reference to the unilateral declaration of 17 February 2008 by the Kosovo Albanians. The advisory ruling was requested by the UN General Assembly. The Serbian resolution requested from the UN was not to support secession and to encourage dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina instead. Then Tadic yielded to the EU/U.S. pressure to enter into talks with how to redefine the Serbian resolution. The EU was obviously concerned that the Serbian resolution might be voted in and demanded a joint resolution instead. Tadic went to Brussels for a two-hour session with Baroness Ashton. The next day the Serbian resolution was redefined and became a joint resolution. It acknowledged the ICJ ruling. As such it was accepted by the General Assembly without a vote.   
 
 EU Skepticism
 
This writer shares skepticism of Timothy Bancroft-Hinchley and Dr. John Laughland. Timothy Bancroft-Hinchley said in the Pravda magazine: "And congratulations Serbia. Now you can join the European Union. Wonderful! Stand back and watch your industry destroyed as what you export is assimilated by German industries, watch your agriculture decimated as you are paid not to produce and your production goes to France before you are left with barren fields, stand back and watch the EU label Sljivovica illegal because some idiot in Brussels doesn't like it. Stand back and watch your unemployment rate skyrocket, watch a clique of elitists whisked off to cushy jobs in Brussels, watch your prices treble and your salaries stagnate and watch your customs destroyed as you become assimilated first by the EU and then by NATO. You will have to pay for it, you know. The people, not the leaders, of course…Nobody will ask you if you want to join NATO but you will be expected to buy its equipment and participate in its wars."
 
Dr. John Laughland, a British author and a believer in the national sovereignty principles, made two remarkable statements, regarding the EU and Serbia, while delivering a presentation in Belgrade on May 26 at the conference on Serbia: Survival Strategy. He said that Serbia represents the first recorded example of a last rat wishing to join the sinking ship. Secondly, he recalled Arab saying about the British, which suggests that it is better to be their enemy than a friend. If enemy, they may buy you, as a friend they will sell you. All in all, Dr. Laughland believes that Serbia's foreign policies have been completely submerged into wishes to join the EU for which Serbia has paid huge price: economic and the supreme price of losing its province of Kosovo and Metohija. In return Serbia got nothing. 
 
Serbia in State of Misery
 
Economically Tadic brought the country to the state of misery. Out of approximately 8 million population, 700,000 live below the poverty line, 760,000 are unemployed (~20%), 13.3% in 2005, 178,000 are on social assistance, and 343,000 pensioners receive pensions below $110/month. Tadic's presidential salary is about $2100. Middle class has essentially disappeared. The Serbian diaspora — about 4 million living primarily in the Western Europe, U.S., Canada and Australia—provides $5.5 billion/yr. aid to their relatives and friends.
 
This figure exceeds all the investments from foreign countries into the Serbian economy. The external debt is about $34 billion. The ratio between this debt and the GDP amounted to 79.6%. Serbia was in a serious economic crisis prior to the world one initiated in 2008 by the failure of Lehman Brothers. Some suggested that Serbia has been in an economic crisis over the last 20 years. Industrial production in 2010 reached only 43% of that in 1990.
 
More than half of the Belgrade University students, in a recent poll, expressed no confidence in any institution. The Government, the Parliament, President, Military, Police and Healthcare got an average of 2%, while the Serbian Orthodox Church got 15%. As a result 40% do not plan to vote. Upon graduation 63% intend to leave the country.
 
EU Crises and Serbia
 
The EU has survived several crises in the last decade, e.g. Iraq, rejection of the EU Treaty. This time it could be different. Both the euro and the visa-travel zone, the most visible integration achievements, are under serious assault. In Greece, drachma may return. French police and Danish customs are returning to their national borders, while Brussels is reconsidering the rules of the Schengen borderless zone. European voters are no longer accepting bailouts and austerity measures. Governments have fallen in Ireland and Portugal.
 
The trade unions are blockading the headquarters of state-owned companies in Athens. The Netherlands, which was a trend setter in the European postwar integrations, has become the most obstructionist country in Brussels' fight over the EU future. They oppose giving the Eurozone bail-out fund to help so called debt-laden periphery. It is blocking EU enlargement to the western Balkans, and this is where Serbia comes into the picture. This picture leads me to conclude again that Tadic's delivery of Mladic, despite jubilation in the Netherlands, will not advance Serbia's EU chances.
 
Serbia's Alternative
 
There are viable alternatives for Serbia more promising than joining the EU such as an association with the BRIC countries (Brazil, Russia, India, and China). The BRIC countries have much more economic potential than the stagnant EU. South Africa has recently joined the BRIC countries. Unlike the EU, with 22 out of 27 recognitions of Kosovo, the BRIC countries have been supporting the Serbian position with regard to the illegal Kosovo unilateral declaration of independence.
*The writer has written three books and some 80 articles and presentations about the Balkans.
 
Dr. Vojin Joksimovich wrote this in depth book http://www.gmbooks.com/product/Kosovo-GM.html about Kosovo and it is a must read if you want a deep knowledge of this complex topic.
 
The Revenge of the Prophet by Dr. Vojin Joksimovich is another classic book which gives great insight and knowledge and is a fantastic read.
 
http://moderntokyotimes.com

 

 

June 13, 2011

EU in Kosovo says Turk, Israeli trafficked organs

EU in Kosovo says Turk, Israeli trafficked organs

AP – File - Israeli national Moshe Harel seen handcuffed in this file photo taken on 15 Nov. 2008, is led …

By NEBI QENA, Associated Press – 2 hrs 38 mins ago

PRISTINA, Kosovo – A European Union prosecutor in Kosovo has indicted a Turkish and an Israeli national for involvement in an international network that falsely promised poor people money for their kidneys and then transplanted the organs into rich buyers, the bloc's rule of law mission said Monday.

Turkish citizen Yusuf Sonmez, and Israel's Moshe Harel were charged last week for "trafficking in persons, organized crime and unlawful exercise of medical activity," the mission, known as EULEX, said in a statement.

Sonmez and Harel are considered at large by EU authorities and Interpol has issued a warrant for their arrest.

The indictments are part of a larger investigation into allegations that an organized criminal group conducted operations in a clinic outside of the capital Pristina where the victims' organs were transplanted into the buyers.

EU prosecutor Jonathan Ratel — who brought the charges in 2010 — said victims were promised up to $20,000 (euro14,000) for their kidneys, but were never paid, while recipients were required to pay between euro80,000 and euro100,000 euros ($115,000-$143,000).

The victims came from Moldova, Kazakhstan, Russia and Turkey, and lived in "extreme poverty or acute financial distress," EULEX said.

Kosovo law forbids the removal and transplant of organs.

The case was brought to the attention of authorities in 2008 when Kosovo police acted upon information from a Turkish national who said his kidney had been stolen.

Since then seven Kosovars, including doctors and a senior official in the Health Ministry, have been charged and are standing trial.

Sonmez and Harel were indicted separately after EU investigators located Harel in Israel and an EU prosecutor interviewed Sonmez in Turkey earlier this year. Harel was detained in 2008, but later allowed to leave Kosovo upon the promise of return pending legal proceedings.

http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20110613/ap_on_re_eu/eu_kosovo_organ_trafficking

June 06, 2011

Serbia: Witness tells UN court he was forced to lie about Milosevic, Seselj

Serbia: Witness tells UN court he was forced to lie about Milosevic, Seselj

last update: June 06, 18:31

 

The Hague, 6 June (AKI) – A protected witness in the trial of Serbian ultranationalist Vojislav Seselj told the United Nations war crimes tribunal on Monday he was forced by the prosecution to give false testimony against Seselj and former Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic.

 

The witness, a former policeman from northern Serbian city of Subotica, testified on Monday under pseudonym DS-1, despite the fact that he demanded to testify under his true name.

DS-1 told the court he had spent some time in the war in Bosnia and was later forced by the tribunal's prosecutors to testify against Milosevic or would be prosecuted himself for war crimes.

Milosevic was indicted by the tribunal for genocide and war crimes, but died in the Hague in a jail cell in March 2006.

Seselj has been accused for war crimes against Muslims and Croats in 1991-1995 war that followed the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. He surrendered to the tribunal in February 2003 and the trial was still going on.

He was sentenced to 15 months in jail for revealing names of protected witnesses in the main trial. He was indicted for contempt of court again this year for allegedly revealing the names of 11 protected witnesses.

Seselj claims that witnesses themselves revealed their identity before he did so and DS-1 confirmed it in the court. Asked by Seselj whether he agreed that his name be revealed in one of Seselj's books, the witness said: "I consented to the publishing in the book and on Internet."

DS-1 said he was threatened by the tribunal investigator Paolo Pastore he would be indicted if he didn't testify in the trial against Milosevic and Seselj. Before testifying against Milosevic, DS-1 said he had spent a year and a half in Netherlands where prosecutors prepared him on how to testify.

"It was a sad testimony," DS-1 said. "They trained me for one month what to say and the prosecutor would give me signal if I said something wrong," he said.

After testifying against Milosevic, DS-1 said he was transferred to Norway under false identity where he was given "an apartment, automobile, documents and a lot of money".

When he was called to testify against Seselj, DS-1 fled Norway and returned to Serbia, "leaving everything behind", he said.

"I had nothing to testify against you" the witness told Seselj. He will be cross-examined by the prosecution on Tuesday

 

http://www.adnkronos.com/IGN/Aki/English/Security/Serbia-Witness-tells-UN-court-he-was-forced-to-lie-about-Milosevic-Seselj_312101075306.html

June 03, 2011

The arrest of Ratko Mladic from the perspective of international law

The arrest of Ratko Mladic from the perspective of international law

Alexander MEZYAEV | 01.06.2011 | 00:00

 

The arrest of former Serbian Commander Gen. R. Mladic on May 26 evokes serious questions of both moral and legal character. Clearly aware of the shakiness of the indictment Mladic is about to face, the global media tend to avoid touching upon the legal aspect of the Mladic case.

It is an open secret that Mladic's arrest and extradition to the Hague Tribunal was set by the West as a price Belgrade was supposed to pay for the entry ticket to the EU. There was also a legal requirement, much more serious than just Serbian non-admission to the EU.

In February 2007 the UN International Court of Justice passed a resolution charging Serbia with violation of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. One of the articles of the resolution stated that Serbia breached the conventions by not extraditing Mladic. With the predictable exception of the Serbian judge, all other judges of the Court voted in favor of the article. The resolution was essentially irrational as Mladic's wasn't arrested in Serbia, his location was unknown and the Court had no evidence that Mladic was in Serbia at that time. Nevertheless, as the failure to comply with the UN Court of Justice's decisions may result in sanctions being imposed on any country, Belgrade had to be mindful of this possibility ever since.

In a stark breach of the key norms of the international law, the Hague Tribunal indicted Mladic in absentia back in July, 1996. Article 61 of the ICTY Rules of Procedure and Evidence admits a special procedure to issue international arrest warrants, when the indictment is being heard without presence of the accused or his advocate. Formally, an «advocate» – one appointed by the court, not chosen by the accused – does take part in the hearing process. In July, 1996, the Hague Tribunal decided that there was enough evidence to consider R. Karadzic and R. Mladic guilty of heinous international crimes. Subsequently this 'special procedure' allowed the ICTY to use Mladic's name as the 'evidence' against a number of other accused.

At the early days of the Hague Tribunal, it adopted the legal concept of 'joint criminal enterprise'. The judicial innovation paved way to serial indictments of Serbs and was evidently invented to enable sentencing people whose personal involvement (or even awareness) in these acts could not be proven.

The first version of the indictment against Mladic was endorsed back in 1995. Curiously, the judge who penned it — F. Riad, a Muslim from Egypt — was biased to the point of making the indictment more severe than originally requested by the prosecutor. An in-depth comparison between the indictment put together by the prosecution and the one amended by the judge highlights F. Riad's creative approach to the case. For example, he inserted a passage explaining that captives were executed in small groups, which — as opposed to a single mass execution — was to demonstrate that the massacre was not spontaneous but carefully planned. F. Riad also indicated a longer period of time over which the executions continued than did the prosecution in its original indictment.

The case against Mladic endured several amendments. At the beginning, it was filed together with the one against Karadzic, but was detached from it when Karadzic was taken into custody in 2009. The last substantial changes in the indictment against Mladic were supposed to date back to 2002, but further details have recently surfaced. Evidently, the text was subjected to a fairly radical amendment … on May 10, coincidentally, a couple of weeks prior to the capture of Mladic. The edited indictment was approved by Alfons Ori from the Netherlands, the same judge who signed the 2002 case against Mladic. Notably, Mr. Ori is known for his toughness towards Serbs and inexplicable mercifulness to Albanians with Serbs' blood on their hands. He sentenced several Serbs, mostly from Bosnia, including former speaker of National Assembly of the Republika Srpska M. Krajisnik and acquitted e.g. R. Haradinaj, a notorious Albanian butcher. No doubt, those who want Mladic to be convicted can rely on Mr. Ori.

Importantly, now Mladic is charged with four 'joint criminal enterprises' instead of one. The first one is the 'ethnic cleansing' of Croats and Muslims in Bosnia, which was qualified as genocide by the court. Other 'enterprises' were presumably 'committing acts of terror' against civilians in Sarajevo, taking UN personnel hostages in May-June, 1995, and Srebrenica 'genocide' in July 1995. The latest indictments carries 11 counts of genocide, crimes against humanity, and violations of the laws and customs of war.

Close scrutiny of the indictment against Mladic reveals that it lacks elementary coherence. For example, Mladic is accused of occupying Srebrenica and killing its civilians, but judging by the alleged dates of the beginning and the end of the siege — from July 2 till July 11 – it remains unclear why did this operation take 10 days. The only plausible explanation is that Srebrenica was a heavily fortified stronghold of armed resistance or anything but a 'peaceful location'. This fact is admitted in the indictment, but all those killed during the seizure of Srebrenica are nevertheless listed as civilians by the Hague Tribunal. With this regard, frequent references to «Muslim boys and men» in the indictment may only be seen as an attempt to overstate the civilian theme, putting the objectivity of the whole act in question.

Strictly speaking, even this indictment contains evidence that Mladic acted in line with the humanitarian law applicable to armed conflicts. For example, removing the population from the combat zone should be regarded as compliance with the Geneva Conventions on the Protection of Victims of (Article 50) and Protocol II Relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts(Article 17) rather than as a crime against civilians.

The situation with figures looks no better. The 8,000 death toll recurs in former ICTY chief prosecutor Carla del Ponte's memoirs, though she certainly knows that the number in the indictment is 7,000. The media similarly keep mentioning 8,000 killed in Srebrenica. Suspiciously, the figure has a tendency to grow year by year, even though there is a bulk of evidence that these quantities have nothing to do with reality. Whenever new burial sites are discovered, the bodies inside are only of combatants.

L. Simic who studied the corpses unearthed in Srebrenica presented convincing evidence to a conference on the ICTY organized by the Russian Academy of Science that all those buried — at most 1,500 people – were combatants, not civilians. At the same conference, Zh. Civikov, a scholar from Bulgaria, presented an extensive analysis of the Court's evidence in the Srebrenica case. His 2010 book 'The Key Witness' vividly exposed the ICTY forgeries concerning the alleged Srebrenica 'genocide'.

There is further evidence that the charges massively brought up against Bosnia's Serbs are based on total lies. Due to obvious reasons, some of the European countries maintain legislation explicitly outlawing any arguments against facts of genocide recognized by the UN International Court, even if evidence to support the arguments is available. The range of punishments for the offense includes imprisonment, while the evidence is to be rejected without deliberation.

As for the indictment against Mladic — it is an absolutely slanderous and unprofessionally written document…

 

http://www.strategic-culture.org/news/2011/06/01/arrest-ratko-mladic-from-the-perspective-international-law.html

Mladic calls charges against him "obnoxious"

13:15 permalink

Mladic calls charges against him "obnoxious"

­Alleged war criminal Ratko Mladic has called an 11-count indictment against him "obnoxious" and "monstrous". Mladic made his first appearance before a UN tribunal in The Hague on Friday. He answered that he needed more time to understand the charge and did not immediately elaborate on his illness. He will appear in court again on July 4. The former Bosnian Serb army commander is accused of masterminding numerous mass killings during the 1992-95 Bosnian war, including the Srebrenica Massacre, which allegedly claimed more than 8,000 lives.

12:51 permalink

"I'm a gravely ill man" - Mladic

­Former Bosnian army commander Ratko Mladic has appeared Friday before the court in The Hague. Mladic told a United Nations war crimes court he is "a gravely ill man". Asked by Presiding Judge Alphons Orie if he understood his rights as a suspect at the Yugoslav war crimes tribunal, he answered that he needed more time to understand the charge and did not immediately elaborate on his illness. Mladic is being indicted for genocide and crimes against humanity.

 

June 01, 2011

Tribunal toys with body of evidence in Mladic case

Tribunal toys with body of evidence in Mladic case

Published: 01 June, 2011, 09:02
Edited: 01 June, 2011, 15:56

A police helicopter leaves Rotterdam / The Hague Airport with Ratko Mladicon board on May 31, 2011 (AFP Photo / Marcel Antonisse)

(15.9Mb) embed video

The UN war crimes tribunal has scheduled Ratko Mladic arraignment for Friday. Mladic, known as "the Butcher of Bosnia", was extradited to The Hague late on Tuesday. But questions still linger over the legitimacy of the evidence the tribunal is using.

­Former Bosnian Serb army Chief Ratko Mladic is accused of ordering the mass murder of Muslim men and boys in the village of Srebrenica in 1995. The Hague Tribunal possesses a good deal of evidence regarding the massacre, but its validity is at issue.

"The forensic evidence certainly does not support the extravagant charges of 8,000 victims, and much of the evidence of legitimate combat deaths that occurred during that period is studiously ignored by the Hague Tribunal and by the press, because they have to do it if they are to bolster the number of casualties to come somewhat closer to the target figure of 8,000," explained Stephen Karganovic from the Srebrenica Historical Project.

There are questions about the way the evidence has been interpreted, for instance with the autopsy reports. The ICTY presents 3,568 reports as corresponding to 3,568 bodies, but many researchers who examined the files say most of them are body parts, which means a lot fewer individual people.

But even if the Hague Tribunal moves forward without gathering further evidence, it will still be many months before the trial can begin.

"The Hague has always done things as they go along. I mean it has been an improvisation. They've changed indictments on people, they've written indictments on people who have already been extradited to The Hague. This means first you get arrested and then you get an indictment against you. And that's the way The Hague works. It won't be a surprise if they adjust the indictment a few more times. They did it with Milosevic, they did it with others. It's just standard procedure for the Hague Tribunal," stated Aleksandar Pavic, a political analyst.

In the case of former President Slobodan Milosevic, it took over a year for proceedings to start, because Milosevic had to familiarize himself with over a million of pages of case files.

And time is precisely what Ratko Mladic does not have.

"You don't need to be an expert to understand my father is in a very poor condition. He can't even read. He has to go through thousands of pages to be able to testify in court, but he is simply unable to do that. He has difficulties with speech too. How will he consult with his lawyers? It's impossible. He's got problems with his memory – he may remember things that happened long ago, but at the same time he can't remember what happened yesterday or the day before yesterday. How can a person with these health problems appear in court?" Darko Mladic, the son of Ratko Mladic said, speaking to RT.

A UN official who met Ratko Mladic when the former Bosnian Serb military commander was extradited from Belgrade saids Mladic was "extremely co-operative'" when taken into custody at The Hague.

Tribunal registrar John Hocking said that a doctor who examined Mladic saw no medical problems that could possibly prevent him from being taken into the tribunal's detention unit.Mladic's Belgrade lawyer still insists he is too weak both mentally and physically to face a war crimes trial.

The chief prosecutor of the Hague Tribunal, Serge Brammertz, stated on Wednesday that Mladic's rights will be respected during the trial: "The tribunal treats such matters with due attention and his health will be taken good care of."

Brammertz also spoke of the possibility of a joint trial of Mladic and Radovan Karadzic – the other man considered most responsible for the carnage of the 1992-1995 Bosnian war.

The ICTY may well find itself in a tight spot again. More and more people are criticizing their lack of objectivity, and they have yet to complete a high-profile case. That is a worry for Belgrade, which wants to consign this particular episode to history.

http://rt.com/news/hague-mladic-tribunal-evidence/

May 30, 2011

Mladic won’t live to see Hague trial - lawyer

Mladic won't live to see Hague trial - lawyer

Published: 30 May, 2011, 13:39
Edited: 30 May, 2011, 20:28

BELGRADE : A protestor holds a flag with a picture of Ratko Mladic. (AFP Photo / Andrej Isakovic)

(16.5Mb) embed video

TAGS: Crime, Protest, Politics, History, Katerina Azarova, Alice Hibbert, War

 

Lawyers of the former Bosnian Serb general Ratko Mladic have lodged an appeal against his extradition to the Hague as they are afraid he might fail to live to the trial. Meanwhile thousands protest Mladic arrest in Belgrade.

­Attorney Milos Saljic asked on Monday for a battery of doctors to examine the 69-year old Mladic who was arrested last week after 16 years on the run. Mladic is said to have suffered at least two strokes.

Mladic, one of the world's most wanted men, faces charges of genocide and war crimes where judges say there was evidence of "unimaginable savagery".

Despite the grave charges Mladic faces, his lawyers insist he is so ill he won't live to see the start of his trial on genocide charges. Public prosecution believes the only concern of the appeal is to gain time and to arrest legal proceedings.

"Mladic is employing delaying tactics and nothing should prevent his extradition to the International War Crimes court in the Hague," stated Vekaric, Serbia's deputy war crimes prosecutor.

Earlier, the Hague Tribunal stated that all the special conditions could be provided for Mladic, who is to be extradited to the Hague within seven days.

Mladic will probably be housed at the International Criminal Court's detention centre, located within a Dutch prison complex in Scheveningen, on the outskirts of the Hague.

Mladic faces life imprisonment if tried and convicted of genocide and other charges.

Mladic's arrest has been a lot of help in rehabilitating the image of Serbia as a pariah state that sheltered men responsible for the worst atrocities of the Balkan wars of the 1990s.

Meanwhile in the Serbian capital of Belgrade, clashes continue. Several thousand protesters rallied outside the parliament building on Sunday night demanding Mladic's release. Rioters overturned rubbish bins, broke traffic lights and set off firecrackers during the demonstrations.

The demonstrators, who consider Mladic a hero, said that Serbia should not hand him over to the United Nations war crimes court in the Hague.

­Bob Wareing, a former Chairman of the All-Party British-Yugoslav Parliamentary Group, told RT that the way the western media presented the Balkan conflict had an influence on the protesters' mood.

"I understand well why the Serbian people are demonstrating against the arrest of Mladic because of course they are accustomed to the fact that the western media always gave Serbia a bad name during the conflict," he said.

Bob Wareing hopes that Ratko Mladic will get a fair trial, though he believes that it is very difficult to be completely objective.

­According to foreign policy analyst Bojan Brkic, many Serbs do not consider the Hague tribunal to be "unbiased and fair".    

"People here are skeptical about some of the practices of the Hague tribunal and some of its records, for instance, because Slobodan Milosevic, the late president of Yugoslavia and Serbia actually died in prison without the conviction, then some notorious war criminals that are generally acknowledged as war criminals in Serbia like Ramush Haradinaj from Kosovo, like some Bosnian Muslim commanders have actually been acquitted after the sudden death of witnesses or after the tribunal simply concluded there was not enough evidence," he said.

http://rt.com/news/mladic-protest-extradition-trial/

May 28, 2011

National Post (Canada): George Jonas: The West’s Balkan hypocrisy

BRAVO Jonas!
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http://fullcomment.nationalpost.com/2011/05/28/george-jonas-the-west%E2%80%99s-balkan-hypocrisy/

George Jonas: The West's Balkan hypocrisy
* Comments Letter to Editor:
http://www.nationalpost.com/contact/letters/index.html?name=Letters&subject=Letter+to+the+editor

National Post George JonasMay 28, 2011 – 7:30 AM ET

Stoyan Nenov/Reuters
Graffiti of Bosnian Serb wartime general Ratko Mladic is displayed in a suburb
of Belgrade.
Between 11-22 July, 1995, the Bosnian Serb army, under the command of Lt. Gen.
Ratko Mladic, overran a town named Srebrenica in an ostensibly UN-protected
area. After taking a small contingent of Dutch UN troops hostage, the General's
troops, aided by a paramilitary unit called "Scorpion," proceeded to massacre
8,000 Muslim men and teenage boys.
The 69-year-old man captured on Wednesday by Serbian commando units in the
village of Lazarevo went under the name of Milorad Komadic, but made no attempt
to deny being the indicted war criminal Ratko Mladic. Appointed to his post in
1992 by the infamous Bosnian Serb leader (and now also indicted war criminal)
Radovan Karadzic, the former Yugoslav career officer and Serbian patriot led
his troops in the Balkan wars of the 1990s with considerable military prowess
and panache, and an inhumanity remarkable even by the region's notorious
standards.
The apprehension of Mladic took 16 years following his indictment because
three-quarters of his countrymen regarded him as a hero. Their number declined
over the years, but still amounts to a majority. To understand why, one cannot
view July 11-21, 1995, in isolation, only as one date on a continuum of gore.
To avoid going too far back in history, one could start with April 10, 1941,
about a year before Mladic was born.
On that day Croatian fascists under the tutelage of the Third Reich broke away
from Yugoslavia to set up the Independent State of Croatia. Like many of
Hitler's local clients in the Balkans and Eastern Europe — Ion Antonescu's Iron
Guard in Romania or Ferenc Szálasi's Arrow Cross in Hungary — the infamous
Ustashi of Ante Pavelic tried massacring and expelling Serbs from Croat
territory long before the term "ethnic cleansing" was invented. The communist
partisans of Yugoslavia resisted them, with Allied support. The 69-year-old war
criminal arrested on Wednesday was three years old in 1945 when the Ustashi
captured and murdered his partisan father.
Excuse? Not in a million years. Only context.
One is less certain how to put into context the Allies aiding and abetting war
crimes. After the war the victors, especially the British, repatriated tens of
thousands of captured Croatian Ustashi to Josip Broz Tito's tender mercies.
According to Nikolai Tolstoy's account in his 1986 book The Minister and the
Massacres, the soil was heaving for days over the Yugoslav countryside as
ex-Ustashi prisoners were shot and thrown into mass graves half-alive by
communist partisans. Even if those drowning under their country's soil included
mass murderers, as they probably did, the massacres facilitated by the Allies
would still fit the definition of war crimes.
A generation later, when communism finally imploded, the West's bias for
multicultural models of nationhood, coupled with our prejudice against
ethnically (or religiously) based nation-states, made us reluctant to support
Croatian, Slovenian and Bosnian ambitions for independence in 1990-91. Though a
prompt and unequivocal Western endorsement of self-determination might have
averted bloodshed altogether, not wanting to see Yugoslavia break up into its
ethnic/religious components, we needlessly prolonged the conflict through a
vapid UN arms embargo imposed on all factions in September, 1991 — which
naturally gave an edge to the better-equipped Serbs. Thanks to our
humanitarian-pacifist folly, the savage war had an extended run, especially on
the Croatian front, probably costing thousands of lives.
The United States, slow to protest against the illegitimate ambition of federal
Yugoslavia's Slobodan Milosevic to forcibly hang on to three nations that
wanted to separate, came down on him like a ton of bricks for his far more
legitimate ambition to preserve Serbia's territorial integrity against the
secessionist guerrillas of Kosovo. Washington, which resisted recognizing
genuine, if splinter, nations such as Croatia, Slovenia and Bosnia until April,
1992, was quick to launch stealth bombers to ensure the autonomy of ethnic
Albanians seven years later. As a multicultural thug Milosevic was a protected
species; as a nationalist thug, NATO declared an open season on him.
In the end, the West's policy didn't even amount to a defence of a
multicultural ideal. As events unfolded, NATO's bombers were raining
destruction on Serbia's bridges and factories (the Serbs claimed 5,700 civilian
casualties; NATO estimated 1,500) not to forestall the ethnic cleansing of
Albanians from Kosovo, but to ensure the ethnic cleansing of Serbs. By the
spring of 2004, an estimated 200,000 Serbs had been driven from the province. In
another four years, in 2008, Kosovo declared its independence. Canada took its
time welcoming it — we became the 31st country to do so. Perhaps we hesitated
recognizing what we went to war for because we recognized that we should have
hesitated going to war for it.
The Serbs were puzzled. They considered themselves our friends. Why the West
felt obliged to choose sides between Serb and Albanian ethnic national
ambitions in Kosovo, and if it did, why it chose the side of its wartime enemy
(Albania had been fascist Italy's protectorate) against its wartime ally's,
remained a mystery to most. Some concluded it was the flower-child generation
taking over the West in the 1990s, naively hoping it could offend the Muslim
world in the Middle East and appease it in the Balkans.
After the fall of Milosevic the U.S. put the lid on it by bribing (in effect)
Serbia's new government to extradite the former strongman to The Hague. By the
time Milosevic was shipped to the war crimes tribunal few Serbs supported him,
but even among those who would have gladly tied the knot around the
ex-communist dictator's neck, many regarded selling Milosevic to a UN court a
disgrace. (The chief architect of the $1-billion deal, Serb prime minister Dr.
Zoran Djindjic, was assassinated in March, 2003.)
Snitches disdained an American reward of $5-million for Mladic, but after
Milosevic's extradition, the Butcher of Srebernice found it prudent to reduce
his defiant excursions to restaurants and weddings. His old boss, Karadzic, who
always looked like a faith-healer, was captured while masquerading as one in
2008. By then, pro-Western Boris Tadic had been president of Serbia for four
years, eager to take his country to Europe, which made the surrender of
Serbia's mass-murdering hero a pre-condition of Belgrade being allowed to apply
for EU membership.
Serbia succumbed this Wednesday. When the commandos arrived at the modest house
owned by one of Mladic's relatives, he offered no resistance.
Will Mladic's trial serve justice? Not if it's used to deny the legitimacy of
ethnic patriotism and selectively criminalize wartime conduct. Not if it's used
to put the agenda of international tribunals ahead of reconciliation in
conflict areas. But if NATO's Javier Solana were seated next to Mladic in the
dock, along with other architects of the West's "humanitarian" bombing and
reverse ethnic cleansing campaigns in the Balkans — say, America's Bill
Clinton, Britain's Tony Blair, Germany's Gerhard Schroeder and perhaps Canada's
Jean Chretien — it could be an eye opener. Don't hold your breath, though.
National Post
Posted in: Full Comment, World Politics Tags: bosnia, George Jonas, Ratko
Mladic, Serbia, war crimes

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]

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May 25, 2011

NATO: A Feast of Blood

NATO: A Feast of Blood

25.05.2011

 

by Cynthia McKinney

While serving on the House International Relations Committee from 1993 to 2003, it became clear to me that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was an anachronism. Founded in 1945 at the end of World War II, NATO was founded by the United States in response to the Soviet Union's survival as a Communist state. NATO was the U.S. insurance policy that capitalist ownership and domination of European, Asian, and African economies would continue. This also would ensure the survival of the then-extant global apartheid.

NATO is a collective security pact wherein member states pledge that an attack upon one is an attack against all. Therefore, should the Soviet Union have attacked any European Member State, the United States military shield would be activated. The Soviet response was the Warsaw Pact that maintained a "cordon sanitaire" around the Russian Heartland should NATO ever attack. Thus, the world was broken into blocs which gave rise to the "Cold War."

Avowed "Cold Warriors" of today still view the world in these terms and, unfortunately, cannot move past Communist China and an amputated Soviet Empire as enemy states of the U.S. whose moves anywhere on the planet are to be contested. The collapse of the Soviet Union provided an accelerated opportunity to exert U.S. hegemony in an area of previous Russian influence. Africa and the Eurasian landmass containing former Soviet satellite states and Afghanistan and Pakistan along with the many other "stans" of the region, have always factored prominently in the theories of "containment" or "rollback" guiding U.S. policy up to today.

With that as background, last night's NATO rocket attack on Tripoli is inexplicable. A civilian metropolitan area of around 2 million people, Tripoli sustained 22 to 25 bombings last night, rattling and breaking windows and glass and shaking the foundation of my hotel.

I left my room at the Rexis Al Nasr Hotel and walked outside the hotel and I could smell the exploded bombs. There were local people everywhere milling with foreign journalists from around the world. As we stood there more bombs struck around the city. The sky flashed red with explosions and more rockets from NATO jets cut through low clouds before exploding.

I could taste the thick dust stirred up by the exploded bombs. I immediately thought about the depleted uranium munitions reportedly being used here--along with white phosphorus. If depleted uranium weapons were being used what affect on the local civilians?

Women carrying young children ran out of the hotel. Others ran to wash the dust from their eyes. With sirens blaring, emergency vehicles made their way to the scene of the attack. Car alarms, set off by the repeated blasts, could be heard underneath the defiant chants of the people.

Sporadic gunfire broke out and it seemed everywhere around me. Euronews showed a video of nurses and doctors chanting even at the hospitals as they treated those injured from NATO's latest installation of shock and awe. Suddenly, the streets around my hotel became full of chanting people, car horns blowing, I could not tell how many were walking, how many were driving. Inside the hotel, one Libyan woman carrying a baby came to me and asked me why are they doing this to us?

Whatever the military objectives of the attack (and I and many others question the military value of these attacks) the fact remains the air attack was launched on a major city packed with hundreds of thousands of civilians.

I did wonder too if any of the politicians who had authorized this air attack had themselves ever been on the receiving end of laser guided depleted uranium munitions. Had they ever seen the awful damage that these weapons do to a city and its population? Perhaps if they actually had been in the city of an air attack and felt the concussion from these bombs and saw the mayhem caused they just might not be so inclined to authorize an attack on a civilian population.

I am confident that NATO would not have been so reckless with human life if they had been called on to attack a major western city. Indeed, I am confident that they would not be called upon ever to attack a western city. NATO only attacks (as does the US and its allies) the poor and underprivileged of the 3rd world.

Only the day before, at a women's event in Tripoli, one woman came up to me with tears in her eyes: her mother is in Benghazi and she can't get back to see if her mother is OK or not. People from the east and west of the country lived with each other, loved each other, intermarried, and now, because of NATO's "humanitarian intervention," artificial divisions are becoming hardened. NATO's recruitment of allies in eastern Libya smacks of the same strain of cold warriorism that sought to assassinate Fidel Castro and overthrow the Cuban Revolution with "homegrown" Cubans willing to commit acts of terror against their former home country.

More recently, the Democratic Republic of Congo has been amputated de facto after Laurent Kabila refused a request from the Clinton Administration to formally shave off the eastern part of his country. Laurent Kabila personally recounted the meeting at which this request and refusal were delivered. This plan to balkanize and amputate an African country (as has been done in Sudan) did not work because Kabila said "no" while Congolese around the world organized to protect the "territorial integrity" of their country.

I was horrified to learn that NATO allies (the Rebels) in Libya have reportedly lynched and then butchered their darker-skinned compatriots after U.S. press reports labeled Black Libyans as "Black mercenaries." Now, tell me this, pray tell. How are you going to take Blacks out of Africa? Press reports have suggested that Americans were "surprised" to see dark-skinned people in Africa. Now, what does that tell us about them?

The sad fact, however, is that it is the Libyans themselves, who have been insulted, terrorized, lynched, and murdered as a result of the press reports that hyper-sensationalized this base ignorance. Who will be held accountable for the lives lost in the bloodletting frenzy unleashed as a result of these lies?

Which brings me back to the lady's question: why is this happening? Honestly, I could not give her the educated reasoned response that she was looking for. In my view the international public is struggling to answer "Why?"

What we do know, and what is quite clear, is this: what I experienced last night is no "humanitarian intervention."

Many suspect it is about all the oil under Libya. Call me skeptical but I have to wonder why the combined armed sea, land and air forces of NATO and the US costing billions of dollars are being arraigned against a relatively small North African country and we're expected to believe it's in the defense of democracy.

What I have seen in long lines to get fuel is not "humanitarian intervention." Refusal to allow purchases of medicine for the hospitals is not "humanitarian intervention." What is most sad is that I cannot give a cogent explanation of why to people now terrified by NATO's bombs, but it is transparently clear now that NATO has exceeded its mandate, lied about its intentions, is guilty of extra-judicial killings--all in the name of "humanitarian intervention." Where is the Congress as the President exceeds his war-making authority? Where is the "Conscience of the Congress?"

For those of who disagree with Dick Cheney's warning to us to prepare for war for the next generation, please support anyone who will stop this madness. Please organize and then vote for peace. People around the world need us to stand up and speak out for ourselves and them because Iran and Venezuela are also in the cross-hairs. Libyans don't need NATO helicopter gunships, smart bombs, cruise missiles, and depleted uranium to settle their differences. NATO's "humanitarian intervention" needs to be exposed for what it is with the bright, shining light of the truth.

As dusk descends on Tripoli, let me prepare myself with the local civilian population for some more NATO humanitarianism.

Stop bombing Africa and the poor of the world!

 

Prepared for publication by:

Lisa Karpova

http://english.pravda.ru/opinion/columnists/25-05-2011/118011-NATO_A_Feast_of_Blood-0/

Kosovo boycott mars Poland's Eastern summit

Kosovo boycott mars Poland's Eastern summit

[fr]

Published 25 May 2011

The presidents of Serbia, Romania and Slovakia threatened to boycott a summit of Central and South-Eastern European countries, to be held in Warsaw over the two next days (27-28 May) with the presence of US President Barack Obama, over the participation on an equal footing of Kosovo's president.

The high point of the Warsaw summit hosted by Polish President Bronisław Komorowski is the participation of US President Barack Obama, who is currently touring Europe.

But the high-profile event, the 17th of its kind, is more than likely be remembered for the boycott threat by the heads of state of Serbia, Romania and Slovakia.

"The president of Serbia, Boris Tadić, will not take part in the summit of the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe because Kosovo will not be presented asymmetrically," a statement on the president's official website says.

Such a move is in keeping with the decision of the Serbian government and UNSC Resolution 1244, and steps taken by the Serbian president have to be in line with those documents, the statement further reads.

The UNSC, adopted on 10 June 1999, placed the former Serbian republic under an interim UN administration. It also authorised the UN to facilitate a political process to determine the future of Kosovo. However, Kosovo declared unilaterally independence in 2008 (see 'Background').

Romania and Slovakia also informed the organisers of the Warsaw summit that they would not take part in an event in which senior officials from Kosovo had also been invited to participate, an adviser to the Polish president was quoted as saying.

Presidents Traian Basescu of Romania and Ivan Gasparovic of Slovakia have both called off their trips to Warsaw, their administrations announced yesterday (24 May).

Explaining the reasons behind the decision, the Polish media recalled that Romania and Slovakia are among five EU countries that have not recognised the unilaterally proclaimed independence of Kosovo. They could therefore not accept the fact that Kosovo's President Atifete Jahjaga had been invited to attend the summit on an equal footing.

Atifete Jahjaga, born in 1975, is the first female and non-partisan president of Kosovo. Until her election on 7 April, she was deputy director of the Kosovo police force, holding the rank of Major General, the highest held by a woman in South-Eastern Europe.

Jahjaga was elected following a scandal involving the two previous presidents, Fatmir Sejdiu and Behgjet Pacolli. The latter served only a few days.

The adviser to the Polish president said that his country understood Slovakia and Romania's decision, but noted that there was no reason why Warsaw should not invite a representative or the president of Kosovo to the summit.

Polish Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski pointed out that Poland had recognised Kosovo's independence, an explanation for the appropriateness of inviting "the country's leader" to participate in the summit.

From 1 July, Poland is assuming the rotating presidency of the EU.

Protocol adjustment?

But late in the evening, the Slovak news agency TASR published a communiqué announcing that President Gasparovic will attend the Warsaw summit.

According to government spokesperson Marek Trubac, the Polish authorities had agreed with the Slovak authorities that there would be no symbols, coat of arms, national flag or inscription 'Republic of Kosovo', and no joint declaration adopted featuring the signature of the interim president of Kosovo.

Apparently, such an arrangement could make it possible also for the presidents of Romania and Serbia to attend, although no new information was made available by the time of publication.

On other occasions when Kosovo has participated as a regional player together with Serbia, diplomatic tricks have been used, such as no flags being displayed, or the participants being called by their names and not by their titles.

According to Polish daily Gazeta Wyborcza, Obama will announce the deployment of an F-16 fighter jet squadron to the Polish city of Lask during his visit to the country.

http://www.euractiv.com/en/enlargement/kosovo-boycott-mars-polands-eastern-summit-news-505108

May 24, 2011

NATO goes Kosovo in Libya

NATO goes Kosovo in Libya
By Victor Kotsev

TEL AVIV - In 1973, the United States Congress overrode the veto of then-president Richard Nixon and passed the so-called War Powers Resolution, requiring a US president who has launched a military campaign without authorization from congress to terminate operations within 60 days.

This deadline can be extended by an additional 30 days "if the President determines and certifies to the congress in writing that unavoidable military necessity respecting the safety of United States Armed Forces requires the continued use of such armed forces in the course of bringing about a prompt removal of such forces."

Last Friday marked the expiration of the deadline for the two months-old campaign against Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, but no written request was received by congress from US President Barack Obama. Presumably, such a request would not make sense, because there would no need to guard withdrawing US forces, and indeed there are (officially) no US forces on the ground in the country.

Nor is there any intention to scale back military operations. "We will not halt our current operations, which are limited and in support of this critical, NATO [North Atlantic Treaty Organization]-led humanitarian operation," Tommy Vietor, a National Security Council spokesman, told The New York Times as the deadline came up.

On the contrary, NATO is expanding operations significantly. On Monday, French Foreign Minister Alain Juppe announced that 12 attack helicopters were headed toward Libyan shores on board of the amphibious assault ship Le Tonnerre, while French Defense Minister Gerard Longuet told al-Jazeera that Britain would send helicopters as well (the British declined to comment). This is a new development which, barring an unexpected success in taking out Gaddafi and his forces, could well be a prelude to a ground war.

The arrival of combat helicopters will already bring the fighting closer to NATO. So far, the alliance has dodged any tactic that would carry a significant risk of casualties. Not so with helicopters. While they can hit their targets with precision that fighter jets cannot afford, they are also a lot more vulnerable to ground fire and portable anti-aircraft missiles in stock with Gaddafi's army. "[A helicopter] can be hit by small arms fire, it could be hit by a shoulder-launch portable missile, and all of that means there is a risk now of NATO personnel being shot down," a prominent defense analyst told al-Jazeera.

In part as a preventative measure (though NATO has avoided such framing), for several weeks the alliance has been bombing fiercely Command, Control, Communications, and Intelligence (C3I) structures of the Libyan government, and conveying "messages" through repeated attacks on Gaddafi's (now likely empty) headquarters at Bab Al Aziziya in Tripoli.

This strategy seems right out of the cook book of the Kosovo war in 1999. As Robert Haddick writes in Foreign Policy:

NATO's bombardment strategy is now likely more focused on applying political and psychological coercion against the regime rather than inflicting battlefield damage against military forces. Repeated attacks against the compound are designed to erode Qaddafi's prestige. NATO strikes on the compound and other possible leadership locations may also be aimed at frightening Qaddafi's inner circle.... But it may not be working fast enough for some NATO leaders. Gen. David Richards, Britain's top military commander, called for expanding the list of acceptable targets. Richards wants to add "infrastructure" targets to NATO's lists…. Richards may be hoping to reprise the strategy used effectively against Slobodan Milosevic during the 1999 Kosovo air campaign. As I discussed in an earlier column, NATO faced a similar stalemate during its bombing campaign against Serbia. It then expanded its attacks against Milosevic's lieutenants and the economic assets inside Serbia valued by those lieutenants. This change in tactics created enough pressure inside the ruling inner circle to force Milosevic to succumb. Richards' definition of "infrastructure" may have these regime leadership assets in mind. [1]

Parallels with the Kosovo campaign do not begin and end here. Some sources have speculated that mercenaries from the former Yugoslavia are fighting on Gaddafi's side in Libya alongside African mercenaries; influential American think-tank Stratfor claims that it could not verify this information (neither has the presence of any mercenaries been confirmed), but points to the recent arrest of Libyan citizens at the Serbian-Croatian border as possible indirect evidence.

On NATO's side, the practice of arming and training rebels and (allegedly) using small teams of special operations forces as spotters for air strikes mimics closely tactics used in the former Yugoslavia. The tenuous international support behind the expanded air campaign adds to the parallels.

Although no Western leader acknowledged it at the time, the Kosovo model was on the table from the very start of the Libyan intervention, as was the option of a ground incursion. As Stratfor wrote back in March:

The question then becomes the extent to which this remains an air operation, as Kosovo was, or becomes a ground operation. Kosovo is the ideal, but Gadhafi is not Slobodan Milosevic and he may not feel he has anywhere to go if he surrenders. For him the fight may be existential, whereas for Milosevic it was not. He and his followers may resist. This is the great unknown. The choice here is to maintain air operations for an extended period of time without clear results, or invade. [2]

It must be noted that toward the end of the 1999 war, plans for a ground invasion were being laid down, strikes against Yugoslav C3I structures intensified with the unstated goal to soften any possible resistance, and all of this contributed to Milosevic's decision to withdraw.

It seems that NATO has reached the point where its flawed strategy is forcing it to rethink. I have reported previously that bad strategy is leading to a stalemate [3], and my assessment matches that of other analysts, such as BBC's Jonathan Marcus [4]. French intelligence-analysis website Intelligence Online explains:

During a visit to Paris last week, Rear Admiral James G Faggo, operational head of the US 6th fleet in charge of G3 (intelligence) said that 60% of the Libyan army's potential was still operational. This assessment from US military intelligence concerns the regime's shock troops, as well as the 32nd Brigade, the special forces brigade loyal to Muammar Gaddhafi. These elements, which were at the forefront of the military operation against the insurgents are currently being spared and kept away from the most recent clashes, in particular in Misrata.

Among France's military top brass, generals say there is a discrepancy between the alliance's political goals and the military operations. The very complex chain of command [is] ill-adapted to dealing with very mobile targets…. According to several sources, ground attack planes are regularly obliged to touch down because they have run out of fuel while waiting for a target to be designated [5].

Why NATO got entangled in this way is a subject for a wider debate that will continue in the future. A gentle way of framing it would be that politicians failed to take into account what security analysts openly foresaw; this does not detract in the least from the hypocrisy underlying the campaign, and means that NATO leaders pretended not to see the obvious.

There could be any number of reasons for such a lapse, mostly related to diplomatic and domestic considerations. A source who advises US senators once complained to me that politicians often listen carefully and then promptly proceed to ignore sound advice. The air campaign strategy, while expedient diplomatically (it is an extension of the no-fly zone that was the only bill which could pass the United Nations Security Council), was flawed from the start. What NATO seems to be doing now is patching it up on the go. It is uncertain, to say the least, that this will bring the desired results. If the helicopter strikes prove ineffective or if they incur too many NATO casualties, a new revision of tactics and strategy would be required, and save for a ground invasion, the alliance is running out of options.

International opposition to a ground invasion in Libya has also mounted, but the coalition has ignored all criticism so far and promptly proceeded to stretch UN Security Council Resolution 1973, authorizing the no-fly zone, so thin that there is currently little reflection of it in the military campaign. There seems to be no inclination to stop now, despite the uncertainties inherent in further escalations.

Indeed, the only significant rebel progress reported in the last weeks - around the port city of Misrata in the west - has served to perpetuate the war rather than to alleviate the plight of civilians. As The New York Times reports, "The strategic significance of Misurata has not been lost on the crew of [rebel supply ship] Al Iradah 6. For months, rebels trapped in the city, 130 miles [209 kilometers] from Tripoli, provided Libya's opposition movement with a powerful argument against any discussion of the war's end that called for national partition."

To go back to the Kosovo parallel, we should remember, with all due bitterness, that Serbia is a European country that is populated by white people. Despite that Eastern-Europeans are still often considered to be second-class Europeans, all this matters in the minds of European publics, and thus also in the minds of European decision-makers. In Kosovo, NATO was willing to bend its demands in order to accommodate a Milosevic withdrawal from the province, and to avoid a ground campaign. Even so, the war was enormously costly in terms of civilian life.

Libya, on the other hand, is in Africa, and is populated by people whose immigration to Europe has caused a wave of racism and anti-immigration sentiments. Though nobody would admit it, their lives are almost certainly cheaper in the minds of Western politicians than are Serbian and Albanian lives. Thus, in Libya we could expect not just a Kosovo, but also the continuation that never materialized in Kosovo; a Kosovo on steroids.

Notes


Notes
1. This Week at War: The Milosevic Option, Foreign Policy, May 20, 2011.
2. The Libyan War of 2011, Stratfor, March 21, 2011.
3. Libya aviation show cannot help NATO, Asia Times Online, May 11, 2011.
4. Libya stalemate leaves Nato without 'Plan B', BBC, May 11, 2011.
5. See NATO entangled in Libya, Intelligence Online, Issue no. 641, 19 May 2011 (the article is free but a registration is required)

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Victor Kotsev is a journalist and political analyst based in Tel Aviv.

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/ME25Ak02.html