October 30, 2007

Comment: Europe's Balkan Travesty - and How to Fix It

Comment: Europe's Balkan Travesty - and How to Fix It



EU indecision over Kosovo and Bosnia threatens to revive the experience of the 1990s not as tragedy, but as farce.

By Edward P. Joseph in Washington


The Balkan crisis of a decade ago was tragedy. Unless diplomats meet
today’s twin crises in Kosovo and in Bosnia and Herzegovina with real
determination, the stage is now set for travesty – with the potential
for yet more tragedy. The plot stands like this:

Act 1: Kosovo.
Because of European indecision, Moscow and Belgrade have managed to
string out the charade of “negotiations” over Kosovo, sanctimoniously
invoking the “principle” that any solution to Kosovo must be based on
agreement. (The farce works because we, the audience, understand that
no agreement is possible.)

A December 10 “deadline” for the
talks to end now appears once again to be merely one more opportunity
to further postpone the inevitable day of reckoning when Kosovo’s
status must be settled. The fact that delay only prolongs stagnation in
both Kosovo and Serbia is lost on many actors.

Act 2: Bosnia.
Emboldened by the Kosovo fiasco and ever more energetic Russian
support, Belgrade has gone to neighbouring Bosnia and called in a
supporting player: Bosnia’s Serb entity, RS. Its government in Banja
Luka under Premier Milorad Dodik now seems inclined to defy the
international community’s top official in Bosnia, High Representative
Miroslav Lajcak, and challenge his decision to impose important changes
designed to cut through Bosnia’s gridlock.

The farce here
involves Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica shouting to the
world that Lajcak’s reasonable measures “threaten the vital interests
of the Serb people.” The fact that a dozen years of frustration have
proven that Bosnia’s structure locks its Serbs, Croats and Muslims into
a zero-sum relationship is lost on many actors.

Act 3 is about
to be written. In the 1990s, the play was scripted, after some initial
reluctance, by the US. Now, the pen is shared fully with Europe. If
European diplomats do not find the current performance funny, here is
what they need to do – urgently – with their American colleagues:

1.
Recognize the true nature of the Russo-Serbian challenge. Make no
mistake; the stakes now are quite high – in a strategic sense, larger
than in the Milosevic-Tudjman era when the Serbian and Croatian
strongmen dominated former Yugoslavia. Effectively, Moscow is mounting
a challenge through Belgrade to Europe’s ability to decide the nature
and pace of South-East Europe’s integration.

For the moment,
Kostunica has snubbed NATO alone. But the Serbian Premier’s talk of a
“third way” between Europe and Russia is really a nod to a
fundamentally new Eastern orientation. Delay on Kosovo strengthens the
Russo-Serb position. Delay also keeps Kosovo’s Serbs and Albanians in
an unproductive state of limbo. Whether or not Kosovo “explodes”, no
one can predict. But what no one can deny is that Kosovo’s structures
cannot develop properly until its status is decided. Nor can the
Balkans fully integrate into Europe.

2. Forget about EU “unity”
over Kosovo. The truth is that there is not even Scandinavian unity on
Kosovo. Former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari’s Swedish neighbours
have not shown much enthusiasm for his plan for supervised independence
for Kosovo.

EU unity is a chimera. The endless search for it
only renders Brussels child’s play for a game of divide-and-delay
tactics by Russia. Instead of unity, jittery EU diplomats should keep
in mind the bed-rock interests of those European capitals that have so
far resisted moving forward on Kosovo’s final status.

Athens,
in particular, can ill afford a permanently languishing, unstable
Kosovo on its doorstep. Would Greece (and, for that matter, Cyprus)
really subvert the development of an independent Kosovo? And if the
answer is no, then why should any other EU state, with even less of a
direct stake in a stable South-Eastern Europe? Instead of unity, the EU
needs leadership.

3. Don’t be bamboozled into “saving the
moderates” in Serbia. On his recent trip to Washington, Serbian Deputy
Premier Bozidar Djelic invoked the standard warning: “if you push us
too far on Kosovo, you will undermine President Tadic, and you might
get the Radicals.”

The truth is that as well-intentioned as
Tadic and Djelic may be, what they can achieve is strictly limited by
the realities of Serbian political dynamics. So far, the “deliverables”
from the moderates are rather modest. Pushing forward with independence
for Kosovo may indeed produce substantial turbulence in Serbia. But
outsiders cannot refrain from long-overdue decisions because of the
fear of holding back political reform there.

The evidence from
both Croatia and Macedonia is that true political reform comes when the
main nationalist party undergoes a thorough transformation, purging its
ranks of extreme nationalists and embracing fully the EU and NATO
accession agendas. While Europe trembles about the political
consequences in Serbia, nobody worries about Croatia’s elections next
month.

This is because the governing HDZ, under Prime Minister
Ivo Sanader, has taken on the colour of many European center-right
parties. When Kostunica’s DSS undergoes the same transformation,
jettisoning its retrograde nationalism, then Serbia’s moderates like
Tadic will be able to realize their vision for the country.

4.
Stop thinking that EU accession is a panacea. EU accession is a crucial
step for every state in the Balkans -- a catalyst for reform, a conduit
for aid, a signal for investment, and a point of strategic orientation.
But it is time to recognize its limitations.

The sad truth is
that EU accession does not make states forget about borders. Banja Luka
has made it painfully clear that when it comes to a choice between the
RS and the EU, the Serbs choose the RS. Likewise, Serbia has made it
clear that when it comes to fulfilling EU conditions, Brussels can
wait. EU accession, vital as it is, cannot substitute for tackling
over-arching political questions, nor can it achieve its goals if
Brussels gives waivers on core principles.

5. Stand by Lajcak –
to the end. Some EU capitals worry that the High Representative will
not be able to stand up to Banja Luka’s challenge to his use of the
"Bonn Powers" to impose legislation on Bosnia. They may demand a
“compromise”, i.e. an embarrassing climb-down by Lajcak.

Such a
step would render not only the High Representative, but the wider
international community, mostly impotent. Those European diplomats with
both experience and wisdom will remember the sad case of Hans Koschnik,
the EU Administrator in Mostar who was emasculated when the EU failed
to back him in 1996, following a violent challenge from hard-line
Croats. There is no need for Koschnik’s tragedy to be repeated as farce
in Lajcak’s case.

The truth is that power is about the
perception of power. As long as the EU and Washington stand together
for their principles – and not allow Moscow and Belgrade to divide them
with cynical pseudo-principles – these twin crises can be weathered.
The alternative is tragicomedy.

Edward P. Joseph is Visiting
Scholar at the Johns Hopkins School of International Studies,
Washington DC. He spent over a decade in the Balkans from 1992-2003,
serving in Bosnia, Croatia, Macedonia and Kosovo, during which he
served as UN Deputy Administrator in Mitrovica, Kosovo. Balkan Insight
is BIRN`s online publication

http://www.birn.eu.com/en/109/10/5398/?tpl=30&ST1=Text&ST_T1=Article&ST_AS1=1&ST_max=1


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October 26, 2007

Quest for Kosovo compromise



Quest for Kosovo compromise








Financial Times






By James Blitz in London



http://msnbcmedia2.msn.com/i/msnbc/Components/Sources/sourceFiTimes.gif





Updated: 5:11 a.m. ET Oct 26, 2007



Wolfgang Ischinger, the ­German
ambassador to ­London, could be forgiven for thinking of himself as the man at
the centre of the diplomatic dispute over the future of Kosovo.



For the past four months, Mr
Ischinger has been the European Union's representative on a "troika"
of diplomats - from the EU, US and Russia - charged with resolving the
stand-off over Kosovo. The talks have been gruelling, he concedes in an
interview. But the "endgame" is approaching, he says. "We are
entering the most critical phase."



To many, the Kosovo stand-off
looks insoluble. Kosovo Albanians demand full independence but Belgrade insists
the territory should merely enjoy a form of loose autonomy within Serbia.
"If they stick to these initial positions there is no imaginable way you
could forge agreement between them," Mr Ischinger says.



He still believes that a
negotiated agreement can be reached before the troika is obliged to present its
­conclusions to the United Nations on December 10. But he insists this will
happen only if the Serbs and Kosovo Albanians steel themselves for tough
compromises to avoid disastrous failure.



"The two sides have to
realise they cannot get 100 per cent of their demands. They have to realise
that if they settle for just 50 per cent, it is a much more desirable outcome
for both than no agreement at all."



The Kosovo stand-off has long
been a diplomatic football between the US and Russia. The US has indicated it
will recognise an independent Kosovo if the negotiations fail. Russia has stood
firmly by its Serb ally.



In fact, says Mr Ischinger,
Moscow and Washington have been more flexible than is sometimes suggested.
Russia long insisted it was in no hurry to resolve the issue of Kosovo's status
but, last month, Moscow signed up to a contact group statement that "a
solution has to be found ... without delay".



The
tabular content relating to this article is not available to view. Apologies in
advance for the inconvenience caused.



Mr Ischinger also insists the US
has a more nuanced approach than many think. "America's definition of
independence is identical to the EU 's definition: we are not thinking about
independence as something unrestrained." Instead,Kosovo will continue to
be "strongly supervised" by the presence of EU and Nato missions with
the ultimate power to make decisions.



Compromises will have to be made
if a political settlement is to be reached in the next 45 days.



"The leadership in Pristina
understands that a unilateral declaration of independence by Kosovo is not good
enough to lead them into paradise. They do not live on an island in the
Pacific. Where will they be, for example, if - the day after independence -
Serbia decides to close its border with Kosovo? This is why an agreement is
important for Kosovo's prosperity.



"Serbia must accept that
eight years have gone by in which they've had no authority over Kosovo. The
situation now is not one in which they can realistically expect that Kosovo
will come back under their tutelage."



Mr Ischinger hopes both sides
have the will to reach a deal by December 10. But he is a realist. "A
declaration of independence by Kosovo, without any accompanying agreement with
Serbia, is a real possibility."



His fear, shared by many, is that
such an outcome would not heal the wounds of post-Yugoslavian conflict but
would create a huge new burden for the EU.



Copyright The Financial Times Ltd. All rights reserved.





http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/21481555/





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October 20, 2007

UNILATERAL DECISION ON KOSOVO ISSUE WILL BE DESTRUCTIVE FOR THE BALKAN REGION



UNILATERAL DECISION ON KOSOVO ISSUE WILL BE DESTRUCTIVE FOR THE BALKAN REGION

As December 10th — when the Troika mediators in charge of the Kosovo settlement, including the United States, Russia and the European Union, is to submit to the UN Security Council a report about the results of its work – is approaching , the situation is becoming more and more tense in the Kosovo Province. Moscow has repeatedly warned though that a unilateral granting of independence to the Kosovo Albanians will be destructive not only for the Balkans but also for the other parts of the world.

And this is exactly what Russia’s deputy foreign minister Vladimir Tikhonov said while touring the Balkan states recently. He underlined how important it was to observe Resolution No. 1244 of the UN Security Council, which provides for the preservation of Serbia’s territorial integrity. A formula that would be acceptable to both the Serbs and the Kosovo separatists should be based on the Security Council’s resolution. Moscow is of the opinion that any artificial time limit for the settlement of the Kosovo problem is inadmissible.

Russia’s Western partners in the Troika mediators are ready in advance to discuss Kosovo’s independence, which makes the situation at the talks nervous enough. And this is exactly what Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said, speaking at the UN General Assembly:

"When individual countries, including the ones that are represented in the mediation Troika, make public statements to the effect that no matter what the talks may result in, Kosovo’s independence is inevitable, one of the negotiating sides faces the temptation to make no concessions at all. Should the situation remain as it is, nothing will turn out. We are against such “prompts”. The parties concerned must find a solution to their liking. There’s no other way… The settlement of the Kosovo issue must be based on international law."

And it is exactly the ignorance of the international law standards that make the local extremists speak about Kosovo’s independence as if it were an accomplished fact. But those who favour the so-called “Kosovo scenario” are not well aware of the fact that the Kosovo issue may create a dangerous precedent for nearly 40 territorial disputes in many parts of the world.

And the Republic of Cyprus that remains divided into the Greek and the Turkish communities for 50 years now is a good example. Turkey is ready to realize the “Kosovo scenario” there as well, which means that it is ready to declare the independence of the so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, bypassing the UN resolutions. Thus, this may trigger a chain reaction of separatism Russia warns against. Therefore, patience is needed for resolving the Kosovo issue, and finally, a mutually acceptable compromise will be reached.

Alexander Vatutin

19.10.2007

Commentary:

MATERIALS ON THE THEME


19.10.2007, 15:30 UNILATERAL DECISION ON KOSOVO ISSUE WILL BE DESTRUCTIVE FOR THE BALKAN REGION
15.10.2007, 12:13 Serbia and Kosovo again point out major differences on the province’s final status
13.10.2007, 14:23 ANOTHER ROUND OF TALKS ON KOSOVO: A COMPROMISE IS STILL FEASIBLE
12.10.2007, 10:50 Russia: no end of Kosovo talks in sight
11.10.2007, 11:18 Wolfgang Ischinger criticizes U.S statements on a unilateral recognition of Kosovo’s independence
10.10.2007, 18:17 Russian UN Ambassador is against a proposal to set a two-month time limit on talks between Serbia and Kosovo
10.10.2007, 14:53 WEST TRIES TO BRING AHTISAARI PLAN BACK TO LIFE
10.10.2007, 11:02 No time limit for Kosovo talks
09.10.2007, 18:27 UNSC to hold closed door Kosovo consultations
09.10.2007, 16:02 UN SECURITY COUNCIL HOLDS CLOSED TALKS ON KOSOVO
09.10.2007, 15:49 Kosovo: no breakthrough as yet
08.10.2007, 16:24 Sergey Lavrov and the EU representetive for Kosovo meet in Moscow for consultations
06.10.2007, 15:42 RUSSIA, KOSOVO
03.10.2007, 10:41 A delay in the determination of Kosovo status may deprive the UN administration of confidence in the region
01.10.2007, 17:12 KOSOVO ISSUE SHOULD BE RESOLVED AT THE TABLE

http://www.ruvr.ru/main.php?lng=eng&q=17573&cid=67&p=19.10.2007


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October 18, 2007

The Russian option



The Russian
option



Oct 18th 2007 | BELGRADE AND MITROVICA





From The Economist print edition



Some Serbs dream of a Russian
alternative to the European Union



DOTTED across the Serbian north of the divided city of
Mitrovica are pictures of its hero: Vladimir Putin. Russia, Kosovo's Serbs
believe, has saved them from the independence demanded by its Albanians
(Kosovars), who make up 90% of Kosovo's 2m people. It is too early to be sure
they are right. But Western diplomats are worried by Serbia's dalliance with Russia.



Marko Jaksic, a member of Serbia's Kosovo negotiating team,
helps to run northern Kosovo. He is a deputy leader of the party of Vojislav
Kostunica, Serbia's prime minister. If America and many European Union
countries recognise a unilateral declaration of independence by Kosovo, he
expects Serbia to offer Russia military bases “in Serbia, and especially on the
border of Kosovo”. He adds that Serbia should abandon its bid to join the EU,
and claims that Mr Kostunica thinks similarly but has less freedom to talk
openly.



Such talk is meant to send chills down Western spines. If
Serbia gave up trying to join the EU, not only would it return to the isolation
of the 1990s but it could also drag the whole region down with it. How serious
is the risk? Mr Kostunica's party is aligned with Mr Putin's United Russia
party, and its official position is that Serbia should be neutral. Mr Kostunica
has disparaged a potentially independent Kosovo as nothing but a “NATO state”.





A source close to President Boris Tadic, whose party is in
uneasy coalition with Mr Kostunica, concedes that, if Kosovo's independence is
recognised, it will be hard to instil “European values” in Serbia. Even Serbs
who would secretly like to be shot of their troublesome southern province fear
that full independence would be disastrous. They predict that Mr Kostunica
would, if not formally end the country's bid for EU membership, at least slow
it down, as well as trying to punish countries that recognise Kosovo and
companies that trade there and in Serbia.



Yet the Russian alternative does not look appetising. The
prospect of Russian bases in Serbia is “very unlikely”, says Ivan Vejvoda, who
heads the Balkan Trust for Democracy, a big regional donor to good causes.
Serbia is surrounded by the EU and NATO. “The Russian thing is a temporary,
opportunistic thing, a balloon which will burst once we are over Kosovo,” he
says. There is much excitement in Serbia about Russian companies moving in. On
the list for privatisations that may interest them are JAT Serbian airlines,
Belgrade airport, a mine in Bor and NIS, Serbia's oil company. Alexei Miller,
head of Russia's energy giant, Gazprom, met Serbian leaders to discuss
potential pipelines on October 9th. But so far Russian companies (except for
Lukoil) have been notable by their absence. Russia is only the 18th-biggest
investor in Serbia; the country's largest single exporter is owned by US Steel.
The EU has poured lots of money into rebuilding Serbia. If Serbia kept on
track, a lot more cash could come—and Russia offers little.



On October 15th Montenegro signed a “stabilisation and
association agreement” with the EU, normally a step towards membership. Serbia
could soon do the same. But a negative report to the EU from Carla Del Ponte,
chief prosecutor at The Hague war-crimes tribunal, means that it must first be
seen to do more to catch the fugitive Ratko Mladic. Ms Del Ponte will visit
Serbia soon to check progress (the government has posted a reward for the
missing general, 12 years after he was indicted). This suggests that the
Russian option is, as one diplomat puts it, “loose talk”—for now. If many EU
countries recognise an independent Kosovo next year, it will be their turn to
call Serbia's bluff.



http://www.economist.com/displaystory.cfm?story_id=9993395&fsrc=RSS





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October 15, 2007

EU moving away from US on Kosovo, says Belgrade



EU moving away from US on Kosovo, says Belgrade



15.10.2007 - 17:33 CET |
By Lucia Kubosova





EUOBSERVER / BRUSSELS - The Serbian minister on Kosovo affairs
claims the EU has slightly changed its stance on the Kosovo issue away from
insisting on the province's independence to a better understanding of
Belgrade's position.



Speaking at an event by a Brussels think-tank just a day after the second round
of talks between Serbs and Kosovo Albanians on Monday (15 October), Mr
Samardzic said that although it was not "marvellous" there has been
some positive outcome to the current diplomatic initiative, led by a trio of
EU, US and Russian envoys.





http://euobserver.com/adserver/adlog.php?bannerid=210&clientid=186&zoneid=18&source=&block=0&capping=0&cb=fab830bda18af734789ee9620f869ea6



"We have seen progress from nothing to something," he said.



He pointed out that while the previous UN-led talks focused on issues other
than the future status of the province, the troika negotiations have gone to
the core problem.



The current diplomatic round was launched after Russia, a permanent member of
the UN's security council, earlier this year blocked UN envoy Marti Ahtisaari's
plan to set the 90-percent ethnic Albanian province of 2 million inhabitants on
the road to independence.



The trio of envoys are due to report back to the UN about the results of the
negotiations on 10 December, with Serb and Kosovo Albanian officials set to
meet again on 22 October and up to four more meetings scheduled throughout
November.



Less US-oriented?

Mr Samardzic maintained that until six months ago, "the EU followed
exclusively the US approach on Kosovo" while now it is trying more to
consider its own interests in the region and is "more in favour of
continuation of talks to reach a compromise than before."



He suggested that this EU policy is "still being just formulated" and
urged Europe to find a "specific European solution" more quickly.



But it is also Belgrade which is resisting time pressure and is against the
December deadline for finding a solution.



Wolfgang Ischinger, EU's envoy in the troika on Kosovo, said on late Sunday (14
October), that international negotiators found some "encouraging
elements," concerning the approach of Belgrade and Pristina but certainly
"not enough."



"We must get them to recognize the fact that they are still too far and
there is still quite a distance to be covered if really we want to get to an
agreement. This distance will also require some painful decisions by one or by
both sides".



Early death of EU foreign
policy?


For Serbia, a "European-kind of solution" for Kosovo would be "a
kind of autonomy," says Mr Samardzic, as he thinks it is "a classical
European solution on how to solve minority problems."



He explained that within such an autonomy there would be "a big room for
experiments possible" on the details of power-sharing.



Limited autonomy is unacceptable for Kosovo Albanians however who have
announced they are planning to declare independence unilaterally shortly after
the troika talks are due to end in December.



While the US has signalled it would recognize such a unilateral move, Belgrade
is hopeful that the EU would not follow suit due to disagreements over the
issue among its member states.



"A unilateral move by some states recognising Kosovo without a common EU
position would be disastrous for its foreign and security policy, it would be
the end of it," commented Mr Samardzic.



For their part, EU officials try to use eventual European membership as
political leverage for both sides to find a solution.







© 2007 EUobserver, All rights reservedhttp://euobserver.com/9/24970/?rk=1







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October 08, 2007

Kosovo: toward the end of the experiment?
















Kosovo: toward the end of the experiment?




Global Research, September 25, 2007




What is going to happen in Kosovo?


The official spokesmen, the experts have been wrong
so many times in the last many months that they have achieved,
paradoxically, a positive result: normal people have lost any remaining
confidence in their credibility.


The once omnipotent Marti Ahtisaari had put his hand
on the fire proclaiming the unstoppable “independence” of the province.
He lost that hand. Washington political and diplomatic leaders from
George Bush on down had spoken in the curt language characteristic of
the “sole superpower” that the Olympus had taken a decision and minor
gods (such as those lingering around the UN Palace) had to accept the
fait accompli or else.


The European gnomes from London to Berlin to Paris,
like the cat in Pinocchio kept repeating the last words of the US fox
explaining to the naïf Balkan natives the unchangeable and
unchallengeable nature of the decision taken by the supreme powers:
“It’s a done deal, see? Nobody can change the decision.”


Instead, it was all but a done deal! Ahtisaari has
been forced to abandon the stage where he tried to play the part of the
hero in an historic drama. On the contrary, rotten eggs, tomatoes, and
cat calls have put an end to a pathetic farce of corruption and shame.


Still, no “done deal”.


It was the moment, then, to deploy the local
messengers of Olympus. The “experts” dutifully obliged writing in
newspapers and enjoying the sound of their voice on TV: there is
nothing anybody can do., Kosovo will be “independent.” Is there the
risk that this will become a precedent that destroys some basic tenets
of international law? So what? The antiquated discussion on what is
right and what is wrong has been abandoned long ago. It is a new world
now. For our own good, the rule now is Might Makes Right.


Still, no “done deal”.


Then the threat arrived: If you people do not accept
what has been decided for you then there will be an explosion of
violence. The UCK – remember the UCK – could reemerge bigger and
bloodier than ever. The Albanians could start mass violence if they do
not get what they want. And you Macedonians, do you remember how things
started in Tanusevci after the Kosovo war of ’99? Things can start
again, and who will defend you then? Better you push for an immediate
and unconditional implementation of the decisions. This threat was
accompanied by the sub-threat of the partition of Macedonia if the
“independence” of Kosovo was not realized according to the decisions.
If, for example, an area of Kosovo was to be administered by the
Serbian population.


And still, no “done deal”.


On the contrary, Serbia, that had been democratized
and westernized, now seems not be even interested in the offer of
membership in NATO and European Union that once were the idols in front
of which all the former so-called eastern European countries would
genuflect and pray. Now, the Serbian leaders are challenging the
decision taken in Washington. They are closing ranks with Russia and
are openly accusing Washington of establishing, not an independent and
democratic regime in Kosovo, but … a NATO puppet state. The revelation
of the secret everybody knew but no official leader dared to say began
with Aleksandar Simic, an adviser to Serbia’s Prime Minister Kostunica:
“it can be concluded that the implementation of Ahtisaari’s plan would
call for Bondsteel to practically be the capital city of an independent
Kosovo.” Of course, Camp Bondsteel, is the enormous US military basis
whose construction started when Kosovo and Serbia were still smoking
from the 1999 bombing (i.e., the blueprint must have been ready before
the Kosovo war).


The Macedonian public knows very well how strategic
is the position of Bondsteel in the context of the transportation
corridors and pipelines running north-south and east-west in the
Balkans. Few can believe that such a gigantic base would be built only
for a temporary operation and then, the sovereignty would be given to
the independent Kosovo government. Before going to Moscow to discuss
the Kosovo issue, the Serbian Minister for Kosovo Slobodan Samardzic
urged Washington to give up "the project of creating a satellite, army
barrack, state on foreign territory.” The "creation of the NATO state"
was the real goal of NATO's 1999 air war against Serbia over Kosovo."
And the spokesman of Kostunica, Branislav Ristivojevic insisted in his
nationalist rhetoric: "We won't give up Kosovo, nor one inch of Serbian
territory, for any kind of international integration process, whether
it's NATO, the European Union or anything else… Kosovo's real capital
would be Camp Bondsteel.”


Behind Serbia, the Russia of Vladimir Putin stands
firm with its warning of using its veto power in the UN if the issue of
independence is put to vote. China, one of the five permanent members
of the UN Security Council is reportedly ready to do the same. The US,
that fought its most ferocious war (1861-65) to stop the secession of
the southern states, tried to threaten a unilateral recognition of
Kosovo’s “independence.” It soon had to back down and deny it ever did
so. Meanwhile, Russia is stating every day in more clear terms its
opposition to any unilateral declaration of independence, and the more
the US and the Euro-bureaucrats call for respect of the decision, the
more a subtle but increasing split is becoming visible in Europe.
Officials in several European capitals are expressing their opposition
to the hard line on independence while in publish the dissent is taking
the form of the research of a not-better-defined compromise.


Why is the Sole Superpower not able to impose a
“done deal”? Why does the normalized Serbia talk back to Washington and
say publicly what was supposed to be discussed only in private? And
more in general: how come that until now the Anglo American strategy
ended up winning all the games and now it is shooting more and more
blanks?


End of the Hegemony


The answer to this question is the solution to the
present Kosovo paradox. The Kosovo situation is not the consequence of
local factors, just as it was not local factors that produced the main
wars and strategic cataclysms in the Balkans since before WWI. The main
cause was the clash of several empires fighting for supremacy in that
geo-strategically crucial area, often manipulating local population to
fight each other, and always determined to keep the area divided,
“balkanized”.


After the fall of the end of the Soviet Union, there
was only one cowboy left with a big gun in the global saloon: the
Anglo-American pistolero. No matter how short sighted, wild, and
brainless, the lone gunman started and won all the fights he felt like
provoking. The international institutions set up as compensation
chambers among the international powers (read U.N.) came to resemble
more and more the impotent drunk sheriff of old western movies. The
Anglo-American gunman created new justification for his undisputed
hegemony. A vast and unbridled propaganda machine could transform
overnight an old tool (e.g. Saddam Hussein or Osama bin Laden) into the
personified evil, perfect to justify a war with any means and no
legalistic restrictions. All the other unarmed cowboys would fall on
each other in the attempt to propitiate the gunman.


All over the globe, and in Europe and in the Balkans
in particular, several semi-demential experiments were set up with the
declared purpose to reshape the map of the world. Countries were to be
dismembered, ethnic and religious groups incited to fight each other,
powerful imperial bases placed as control centers in the most strategic
areas (such as Camp Bondsteel), no obstacle, even a potential one could
have been allowed to survive. Every too strong a country was to be cut
into pieces, defanged and boxed into a “defensive alliance” (NATO)
dominated by Washington and London.


In the crucial area of the Balkans it was not
difficult to find ethnic, religious, cultural differences to be
manipulated. After the first moment of euphoria in which the victorious
US forces brought democracy and freedom to the oppressed people taking
over the historical mission from the impotent Europeans, the “oppressed
peoples” began to realize that they had been given neither freedom, nor
democracy. Rather, they had been boxed in to an unstable situation in
which the future was always more dangerous and scary than the present.


The Kosovo war, for example, was followed by the
surfacing of the UCK Mafioso-terrorist structure that had acted as a
paramilitary force in the army of Wesley Clark and Madeleine Albright.
The post-war became more dangerous that the pre-war. The UCK took over
Kosovo and pushed away any moderate force. At this point Kosovo is a
mixture of military power mostly emanating from Bondsteel and a
mafia-like economy that includes every sort of criminal and illegal
activity one could find in a penal code. As always, a mafia structure
is contagious, the corruptive power of huge sums of money rapidly
accumulated in the hands of the top criminals is infecting broader and
broader areas. The booming opium production in the liberated
Afghanistan is distributed in the form of heroin by the Albania or
Kosovo mafia. Misery, instability, oppression presented as freedom,
pending threats of future violence and wars is the daily reality.


This has been the result of the great experiment
organized by Washington and London. Like in the old horror movies when
the mad scientist conducts his atrocious experiments, Kosovo
“independence” was just a necessary step toward a greater horror.
However, something strange happened. The guinea pigs refused to follow
the script and begin to rebel. No independence. The power of the mad
scientist is called into question. The experiment is stopped.


The Shanghai Cooperation Organization


The reason that the independence scenario has been
blocked for the moment at least, is not due to a moral rebellion -- to
the fact that what has been imposed is repulsive and criminal. The very
large majority in Macedonia and many other countries knew how wrong and
immoral the scenario was. Various unharmed prophets repeated things
that were well known. This, however, did not stop the criminality. What
stopped it was the creation of a counter power, the arrival in the
global saloon of another armed cowboy.


This new counter power, this bizarre Machiavellian
prince, took the form a of an alliance between Russia and China, the
two final victims of the worldwide balkanization plans. China and
Russia started a series of meetings seven years ago creating a
progressively more institutionalized organization that includes also
four other Asian countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and
Uzbekistan. The last meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization
(SCO) took place in the middle of August in Kyrgyz Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan.
The official observer countries included India, Pakistan, Iran and
Mongolia.


A total of ten presidents of member and candidate
countries were present. Many others sent observers and asked to be
considered for membership. The novelty this year was that the SCO also
became a military alliance -- Collective Security Treaty Organization
(CSTO) -- and Vladimir Putin and the Chinese President Hu Jintao
presided over substantial military maneuvers, “Peace Mission 2007,”
with mostly Russian and Chinese troops that intended to demonstrate
that local countries are going to defend and patrol” their strategic
space, without need of US or NATO. Reportedly, the US asked to
participate as observers. But their request was rejected. At the end of
the first ever military maneuver of this kind, Putin announced: “I have
decided that Russia's strategic aviation will resume patrols on a
permanent basis. At midnight today, August 17, 14 strategic missile
carriers, support and refueling aircraft took off from seven air force
bases in different parts of the Russian Federation and began a patrol
involving a total of 20 aircraft. As from today, such patrols will be
carried out on a regular basis. These patrols are strategic in nature."


The US and European media were not able to come out
with a clear line on the Shanghai group. Political and military
spokesmen were at a loss to quantify what had just happened. Someone
called it, the NATO of the East. Others called it a new Warsaw Pact.
But such definitions are, both at the same time limitative, and
overblown. The new alliance is just making the first steps and it is
not comparable to either NATO or the defunct Warsaw Pact. At the same
time, the implication of such an alliance (with many countries formally
allied with the US knocking insistently at the door of the new
organization to be accepted.


First of all, it is remarkable that China and Russia
concluded such a substantial alliance. The traditional mistrust between
the two countries is well known. Henry Kissinger and Richard Nixon were
able in the 70’s to play the China Card against the Soviet Union
playing on that mistrust. It was the beginning of the end for the
Soviet empire. Recently an insider observed that the Shanghai Group was
exactly what Kissinger and Nixon did everything to prevent. And yet,
the crazy Anglo-American cow boy succeeded in forcing Moscow and
Beijing to overcome any disagreement and conclude a solid alliance.
More solid than the wild mixture known as NATO.


The new alliance is not an ideological entity. Its
raison d’etre is, first and foremost, the necessity to defend oneself
from the unchained and irrational hubris of the present Anglo-American
elites. The Russian elite indeed tried to become “capitalist.” To
accept privatizations and rock& roll, free market and McDonald’s.
We know how the Yeltsin adventure ended up: a bankrupt country, taken
over by corruption and organized crime and ready, in the opinion of
geopolitico supremo, Zbigniew Brzezinski, to be partitioned into
several chunks and used as a producer of raw materials controlled by
Western companies. China was to end up in the same way. The Russian
elite does not have any doubt, at this point, that the Anglo-American
elite does not hate communism, it hates Russia. A similar way of
thinking dominates in Beijing. This is why no matter which threats will
be unchained against the new alliance, Russia and China will not
surrender. They have already done that and they know that they would be
smashed. No diplomatic magic can change that.


A superficial observer could conclude that the
China-Russia alliance corresponds to a simplistic East versus West
scenario. Accustomed to the reductionist formulas of the dominating
propaganda, a geographic location becomes an ideology and a philosophy.
In fact, there are plenty of leaders, factions, institutions in the
West that are looking with great hope to the new counter-power.
Anything but the destructive irrationality of the crazy cowboy. The
more, for example, Putin confronts his strategic rivals, and the more
the so-called Atlantic solidarity shows cracks and breaks.


The question of Kosovo made the point clear. Just
few weeks ago Europe was aligned and obedient. Now, after Moscow
repeated that unconditional independence is not going to be accepted,
we see different opinions and dissent, both in private and publicly.
What can Washington do? The fait accompli of unilateral recognition? It
would lose even more allies. Military means? A campaign of boycott and
propaganda against Putin the “dictator”? Already tried; and it doesn’t
really work. It doesn’t work because now, contrary to 1999, there is a
real force capable of defending itself on several fronts: diplomatic,
political, propagandistic, and military. This is going to decide what
will happen in Kosovo. Even the option of unchaining violence through
UCK and other mercenary forces is not a totally practicable option.
Special operations such as non-orthodox warfare can only work if there
are none capable or willing to react. by denouncing. When there is an
institutional entity with intelligence and media capabilities, a
special operation could easily become a liability because it can be
publicly revealed and its controllers unmasked. This is the objective
limit in the use of terrorist cut out. It could lead to its controllers.


Even if some form of independence is accorded to
Pristina, it will not be the end of a process; it will be the beginning
of a new confrontation because there is an independent power able and
willing to challenge the fait accompli.


To be noted that the only Asian country totally
aligned with the Anglo-American elites, Japan, has recently dropped its
anti-China line and called publicly through its new Prime Minister for
closer relations with Beijing.


China’s Nuclear Option


Indeed the clash between the former Sole Superpower
and the new emerging Russian-Chinese alliance does not concern only the
political and military aspect. Actually the most important front is the
economic and financial one. The Anglo-American elite took a decision
long ago to de-industrialize their countries, use cheap (or slave)
labor from Third World countries, mostly China, and thus stop paying
normal wages to their countrymen. In the immediate term this meant
gigantic profits. China was producing goods for almost nothing. But in
so doing, the genial economists achieved two things; first, they all
but destroyed their qualified labor, and second, they gave to China the
goose that that lays the golden eggs, i.e. their productive apparatus.


The masochistic geniality of these financial experts
contemplated also the idea of issuing an infinite number of US Treasury
Bonds that could finance an increasing mountain of debts. Who would buy
it? Well, mostly the Chinese. So, in a sort of vicious circle, the
Chinese labor would do most of the work from which US companies would
extract a large profit. The money accumulated by the Chinese would then
go to finance further US debt.


This system, presented here in a simplified form,
could work while the dollar system could impose itself with the
political and military strength controlled by Washington. There is only
one Achilles heel in all of this. If China, or all the other countries
that have huge reserves in US treasury bonds and dollars (Russia, Saudi
Arabia, European Countries, and every rich producer of oil and raw
materials including Venezuela and Iran) decide one day to dump them,
then the whole genial scheme that allowed them to become rich without
working, would collapse.


This, however, was not even considered a
possibility. The military power of the US was without comparison and
anybody who could even remotely challenge it would be smashed. Besides,
there was a grand strategic design that would put the whole world under
their direct control. Once the Soviet Union had been dismantled, it was
time to smash the most populous and doggedly cohesive developing
countries, the Muslim countries. It was called the Clash of
Civilizations. Then, once the last vestige of independence in those
countries was canceled and there was no obstacle to full looting of oil
and other materials, it was the moment to start the long march to take
over Russian and China. The countries would have been partitioned,
balkanized and then used as a reserve of raw material and semi-slave
labor.


The Balkan strategy with the enlargement of NATO was
only part of a new Operation Barbarossa to encircle, isolate and then
take over Russia. No raw materials were to be exported from Russia
independently, without the mediation of an Anglo-American company. This
made Kosovo and Macedonia, -- points of transit for transportation
corridors and pipelines -- crucial locations.


Even if the continental European countries do not
know it or try not to see it, they were the last stage in this deranged
grand design.


All of this depended on the ability to prevent the
establishment of even a limited form of independent power. But the
clumsy strategists relied mostly on computer and formal logic,
forgetting history and culture. In 1999, it was the NATO/US victory in
Kosovo that triggered deep changes inside the Russian leadership that
had concluded that Washington could not be trusted. The result was the
rapid eclipse of Yeltsin and the emerging of the unknown Putin who took
over Russia with the mission of re establishing its independent power
with every means. But already during the last phase of the Kosovo war,
the Russian military had taken over the Pristina airport. Their
determination, even at that low point gave a healthy scare to the
British General Michael Jackson who refused the order given by the
American general in charge, Wesley Clark, to stop the Russians with the
words: "I'm not going to start the third world war for you,"


Eight years later, the danger highlighted by the
British general, is possibly more real than it has even been during the
whole cold war. China and Russia (and possibly silent partners in high
places in Europe and elsewhere) have put together an unrefined but
effective military power and are expanding it as fast as they can. It
is a desperate race in which they think they cannot surrender. The
military dimension, again, is only a part of the game. The financial
side of this war is even more important.


China gave a demonstration of it. After having been
pressured by US to continue its role of playing sewer system for US
debts and after having been asked to sacrifice its economy and risk
financial destabilization by buying the worthless sub-prime mortgage,
the Chinese went for the “nuclear option”. If the US insists in
destabilizing our financial system, the academician He Fang stated,
Beijing “could be forced to sell the dollar... which may lead to a mass
depreciation of the dollar. Another official, Xia Bin, declared that
the huge Chinese reserves in dollars and treasury bonds could be used
as “bargaining chips.”


The pressures on China stopped for a while, while a
campaign on the danger of Chinese produced toys was launched in the US
media. However, in the US stock market the Dow Jones index went down
after the statements. The US monetary authorities were forced to go for
a policy of low interest rates that will provoke a growing inflation.
When the worthless sub prime mortgage collapsed, Beijing announced
proudly that they had disinvested from that sector. The threat this
time had not worked. An immense self created weak flank, the growing
mountain of treasury bonds and dollars that can be dumped at time, has
become a reality of the ongoing war.


Global Research Articles by Umberto Pascali


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October 06, 2007

Kosovo - Tug-of-war over the province endures

Spotlight: Kosovo - Tug-of-war over the province endures

By Neil MacDonald

Published: October 5 2007 18:46 | Last updated: October 5 2007 18:46

Another
round of negotiations is to be held on Sunday on the future status of
Kosovo – the second direct meeting between Serbian and separatist
Kosovar leaders mediated by European Union, US and Russian envoys.

Expectations
appear lower than ever that the two sides can find a compromise over
the mostly ethnic Albanian breakaway province, severed from Serbia
after 78 days of Nato air bombardment in 1999 and governed since then
by a United Nations interim mission.

This
partly vindicates Belgrade’s diplomatic strategy: keep the EU divided
and count on Russia to block any pro-independence resolutions at the
United Nations Security Council.

But it has also left Serbia in
suspended animation, unable to move forward with confidence on measures
to integrate with the EU. Other sticking points include the capture of
fugitive war crimes suspects.

Although EU diplomats have mostly
avoided describing Kosovo’s independence as a trade-off for being
accepted into the bloc, most people in Serbia see it that way.

So
the courting of Russia by Voijislav Kostunica, the nationalist-leaning
prime minister, has raised fears among Serbs about the direction their
country is taking. Most of them see integration with the EU as their
best bet to revive a promising economy that has yet to recover from the
break-up of Yugoslavia and wars of the 1990s.

However,
brinkmanship with Brussels means the risk – however slight – of turning
away from the western world for the long term. Talk of “isolation”
stirs memories of hyperinflation, electricity shortages and
international economic sanctions.

Kosovo was the heartland of the
medieval Serb domain until population shifts left ethnic Albanians with
the upper hand. Would defending it be worth sacrificing EU integration?
Most Serbs say no although their ambivalence is evident, too.

According
to a poll taken early last month by an independent monitoring
organisation, 41 per cent of citizens in Serbia, excluding Kosovo, say
that keeping the province is more important than entering the EU. Yet
this attitude of resistance is down from 47 per cent in June, says the
Belgrade-based Centre for Free Elections and Democracy.

The same polls show a majority – 65 per cent last month – favouring EU membership. Only 26 per cent would join Nato.

Petar
Markovic, a car park attendant in central Belgrade, says Kosovo’s fate
would be “whatever the west decides”. The 1999 aerial assaults were
“unjustified, but Serbia is now weak”, and the loss of 15 per cent of
its territory has to be lived with. “Diplomacy is not working. They
could sit for five years and nothing would change.”

Only a few
citizens – 10 per cent, down from 12 per cent in June – say they would
support “some kind of military action” to thwart unilateral secession
moves, while 22 per cent would be ready for “financial consequences”.

“Serbia
should keep Kosovo whatever the price. It belongs to us and we should
fight for it,” a vendor selling red peppers at the city’s largest
open-air market says – over the objections of his wife. The two say
they came from Leskovac, one of the cities in southern Serbia with
numerous displaced Kosovo Serbs.

Most Belgraders never visited Kosovo, even before the war.

Milorad
Markus, a coin collector perusing the antique stalls, says politicians
were using the lost province to manipulate voters. “For the past 10 or
15 years, politicians have only been buying time in order to stay in
power.”

But for many citizens, choosing between Kosovo and the EU
is painful. “I honestly don’t know,” says Ana Jovanovic, a textile
vendor. “This is our territory, our history, our motherland.”

The
manager of Kosovski Cevap, a Kosovo Serb-owned downtown meat grill, was
more optimistic that the government’s plodding legalistic strategy
could win out in the end.

“Serbia needs to avoid isolation and also keep Kosovo,” Goran Jovanovic says.

“We
should do everything in our power to prevent its being taken away –
though we shouldn’t enter armed conflict. We should use all
opportunities in the UN and existing international law framework.”

Others
would rather be decisive. Petar Lukic, manager of a currency exchange
shop, says of the economically burdensome province: “We shouldn’t keep
it. Ninety per cent ethnic Albanians – that’s too much. As far as I’m
concerned, they can take it tomorrow. I’m for the EU.”

Rajko
Radosavlijevic, a market vendor from the Roma ethnic minority, agrees.
“We’ve solved Kosovo already. Now the EU should send us some money.”



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September 27, 2007

Kosovo's future..The waiting game



Kosovo's future



The waiting
game



Sep 27th 2007

From The Economist print edition



European Union decisions will be
crucial to the future of Kosovo—and Serbia



THIS week Serbs and Kosovo Albanians (Kosovars) are meeting
in New York to discuss the future of Kosovo—or so diplomats would have everyone
believe. In fact, the two sides are simply restating their well-known
positions. The Kosovars want independence; the Serbs say they cannot have it.
Since the parties cannot agree, diplomats on all sides have merely been
pretending that genuine negotiations are taking place.



There is a debate about Kosovo. But it is not between Serbs
and Kosovars, nor even between Russians and Americans. Rather it is within the
European Union. What EU countries decide will matter not just for the 2m
inhabitants of Kosovo, 90% of whom are ethnic Albanians. It will also affect
the credibility of the EU's nascent foreign policy.



On the map, Kosovo is Serbia's southern province. But since
the end of the war in 1999 it has been under United Nations jurisdiction. Serbs
in Kosovo live in heavily protected enclaves or in a compact patch abutting
Serbia proper. The Kosovars have long demanded independence. Serbia has
promised to grant Kosovo almost unlimited autonomy short of independence, but
given its history the Kosovars are not interested.



In March, Martti Ahtisaari, a former Finnish president, gave
the UN a plan for “supervised independence”, after 14 rounds of mostly
fruitless negotiations. But Russia said it would veto a Security Council
resolution backing this. In desperation, fresh talks were initiated. On
December 10th the Russian, American and EU ambassadors overseeing these
fictitious negotiations will report back. Western diplomats (and Kosovars) say
that will be the end of the game; the Russians (and Serbs) say it will not be.





Given the Russian stance, and statements by the Americans
that they will recognise Kosovo if it declares independence after December
10th, neither party has an incentive to take the process seriously. It is what
the Europeans do that matters. America does not want to be the only big power
to recognise an independent Kosovo. Britain and France would like to, and they
do not like what they see as Russian interference in an internal European
matter. But they also want to maintain EU unity.



So the spotlight will shift to Berlin. If Germany recognises
Kosovo's independence, Italy and most (but not all) other EU countries will
probably follow. Serbia would then be at a fork in the road. The prime
minister, Vojislav Kostunica, is mounting shrill attacks on NATO and the West.
Ministers from his party have also been saying that, if European countries
recognise an independent Kosovo, Serbia will no longer seek to join the EU.



If Serbia ends its EU bid, it will head into isolation, and
may drag all of the western Balkans with it. Yet Kosovo will not wait placidly
forever: this week a bomb in Pristina killed two people. Faced with unpalatable
choices, it will be no surprise if the diplomats, or their political masters,
find another reason for delay when December 10th comes



http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=9867262





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September 19, 2007

Pride and prejudice as Serbs look to Europe



September 20, 2007



Pride and
prejudice as Serbs look to Europe



Vuk Jeremic, the Foreign Minister of
Serbia, confirms that the status of Kosovo remains the biggest hurdle to EU
entry





Bronwen Maddox



“I personally agree that there is no Plan B,” Vuk Jeremic,
the Serbian Foreign Minister, said. “There is only one bright future for the
Balkans, and that is within Europe.”



But between Serbia and membership of the European Union lies
the hurdle of Kosovo, so far insurmountable, and others in the form of indicted
war criminals sought by The Hague tribunal.



Mr Jeremic told The Times yesterday that Serbia “is
suffering a cooling of public support for the idea of Europe”. He added: “I am
afraid that if things go wrong, if it is not handled well regarding the future
status of Kosovo, then there will be a dominant majority within Serbia that
will say, ‘This is not fair, it is humiliating, they [the EU] don’t want us. To
hell with it’.”



That is his best card. Mr Jeremic, of the Democratic Party,
part of the pro-European coalition that won a parliamentary majority in
January, cautioned that if Serbia is not given more hope by the EU, and an
acceptable deal on Kosovo, then it will turn its back on Europe.



The risk it runs is that other countries will not rate this
threat highly enough to agree to its demands. The least controversial of these
are the requests for signs of encouragement from the EU. In London this week,
Mr Jeremic asked Britain, “as a strong supporter of EU enlargement in the
Balkans”, to loosen visa restrictions, which are lengthy “and at times
humiliating”.



Only a quarter of Serbs who had voted for pro-European
parties had been able to travel to EU countries, he said. Serbia “has a lot of
people with means who would like to travel”, he said. “For a long time, we were
the most advanced, sophisticated”, and Serbs find it humiliating to see “Croats
and Romanians travelling without visas” when they cannot.



Pride and humiliation are words that thread through the
entire discussion; they lie at the heart of Serbia’s position on Kosovo. Mr
Jeremic took part in talks yesterday with the “troika” of the US, the EU and
Russia, before meetings with Kosovo representatives next week in the margins of
the United Nations General Assembly.



Kosovo, which Serbia regards as its province, and to which
it attaches huge historical romance, has been under UN administration since
1999, when Nato drove out Serb forces, accusing them of atrocities against the
ethnic Albanians who make up 90 per cent of the population. Serbia has fiercely
resisted that majority’s calls for independence.



The troika must report to Ban Ki Moon, the UN
Secretary-General, by December 10. If there has been no progress, Mr Ban will
have to decide whether to forge ahead with the plan of Martii Ahtisaari, the UN
envoy, for “supervised independence”, although this might prompt a veto from
Russia, a staunch Serb ally. Serbia has offered to grant autonomy but not
sovereign independence.



Mr Jeremic said that it was unhelpful to speculate how
Serbia might react if Kosovo unilaterally declared independence but dismissed
the suggestion that it might take military action. “We will not use force, we
will not contribute to the instability” of the Balkans, he said. But he added:
“It is only if Belgrade and Pristina agree that we will have peace.”



He argued that Scotland could afford to toy with separation
from the UK and that Belgium could split into two because they were at peace,
but that in the Balkans, “where we are still struggling to stabilise”,
indulging the nationalistic instincts of minorities was too dangerous.



If Serbia were within the EU, he added, then “borders have a
different meaning and can be discussed”, although he refused to clarify what
this might mean for Kosovo. He concluded: “I really hope that early in the next
decade Serbia will be part of the EU.”



But the question is whether Serbs are prepared to sacrifice
a European future to preserve their pride. Mr Jeremic’s warning is that many
would do just that. The EU, and the UN, have to decide how much that would
matter.



http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article2489762.ece





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September 18, 2007

Serbia lashes out at NATO



Serbia lashes out at NATO



Serbia veers away from NATO using hard-hitting rhetoric and accusations,
with the prime minister saying the country could not join hands with an
alliance that bombed its territory.



Tuesday, September 18, 2007



By Igor Jovanovic







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Eight years after NATO bombed Serbia in order to halt
clashes between Serbia and ethnic Albanians in Kosovo and force Serbian
security forces out of the province, Serbian nationalists in Belgrade and NATO
are once again at loggerheads.

And as Belgrade slowly moves away from NATO, most analysts here say Serbia
is setting down a dangerous road toward isolation.



Meanwhile, the piercing rhetoric of certain Serbian ministers directed
against NATO threatens to cause serious conflicts within the ruling coalition
in Belgrade.



The exchange of accusations on the Belgrade-NATO front started with a series
of statements by ministers from Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica's
Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS). They accused the US and NATO of trying to
create "the first NATO state in the world" on the territory of the
southern Serbian province by advocating independence for Kosovo.



According to the Serbian ministers, the foundations for that state lay in UN
special envoy Martti Ahtisaari's plan, which foresees no civil control over
NATO troops in Kosovo.



In early February, after nearly a year of fruitless negotiations between
Belgrade and Pristina on the status of Kosovo, Ahtisaari unveiled a plan that
envisages internationally supervised independence for Kosovo.



Ahtisaari proposed a phased transition to independence, initially supervised
by an EU bureaucrat and protected by NATO forces, which currently has 17,000
soldiers there.



The plan was backed by the Washington and Pristina and rejected by Belgrade
and Moscow. Because of threats of a Russian veto, it was impossible to pass the
resolution on Kosovo in the UN Security Council, and the negotiations were turned
over to the Contact Group for Kosovo, which appointed three mediators for new
talks between Belgrade and Pristina.



The so-called troika is to submit a report on the new negotiations to the UN
secretary general by 10 December.



Joining the enemy?


Both NATO and the US have brushed off the accusations from Belgrade.



James Appathurai, spokesman for the NATO secretary-general, expressed
"concern and disappointment over certain comments that have been coming
from Serbia lately." Appathurai said that statements about the creation of
a NATO state in Kosovo were "nonsense" and "neither welcome nor
constructive."



Kostunica's party responded by saying it was against Serbia joining NATO.
The party's new program, unveiled in early September, says that Serbia should
become a member of NATO's Partnership for Peace program (PfP), but not of the
alliance itself.



In a recent party briefing, Kostunica said he opposed Serbia's NATO
membership and that the country should stay militarily neutral, stressing that
such a move was in the interest of the state.



"How can Serbia join the military alliance which first bombed us, then,
bypassing the UN Security Council, sent its military forces to Kosovo, and
threatens to recognize Kosovo's unilateral independence?" the prime
minister asked.



The party also proposed to have Serbia's potential membership in any
military alliance checked in a referendum.



Furthermore, Kostunica's party warned of the "danger" of Kosovo
Albanians declaring independence unilaterally after 10 December, and of that
independence being recognized by the US.



As a potential countermeasure, the DSS proposed to its ruling coalition
partners the adopt of a decision in the Serbian Parliament that Serbia could
join NATO.



According to the latest public opinion polls, some 50 percent of citizens
oppose NATO membership, 32 percent support it, while 15 percent have no stance.
At the same time, some 70 percent favor EU membership.



Bad blood


Back in 1999, Serbian authorities, led by Slobodan Milosevic, sued 17 NATO
member countries for the bombing of military and civilian targets in Serbia and
Montenegro. However, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), where the suit
was filed in December 2004, dismissed the case arguing that it did not have
jurisdiction over the matter, as Serbia was not a UN member at the time, and
was only recognized one year later.



Belgrade accused NATO member countries of violating Serbian sovereignty and
breaking international obligations since the strikes were not authorized by a
UN Security Council resolution.



Human Rights Watch estimates that between March and June 1999 some 500
civilians were killed as a result of the NATO bombing campaign.



Most Belgrade analysts described the actions by certain Belgrade government
officials as hasty and potentially harmful for Serbia.



Belgrade analyst Zoran Dragisic told ISN Security Watch that such damage was
"suicidal" and "would cost Serbia dearly in all areas."



Military analyst Aleksandar Radic echoed those sentiments. He told ISN
Security Watch that Serbian was wandering along a dangerous divisive path.



"This is a very serious and long-term issue that will reflect on
Serbia's reality in the years when the Kosovo problem is solved," he said.
Radic warned that if Serbia pushed NATO away, given that the alliance offered
guarantees for security in Kosovo, it would not have the moral right to call
for the protection of Kosovo Serbs.



Cozying up to Russia


But plenty of analysts disagree with this assessment.



Analyst Slobodan Antonic, in his column in the Belgrade daily Politika,
said the US and EU were pushing Serbia away, and that certain countries were
trying to strip Serbia of a portion of the territory it considered its cradle
(Kosovo) and expected Belgrade to take it calmly. According to him, this pushes
Serbia toward Russia, but also jeopardizes democracy in the country.



Former US ambassador to Belgrade William Montgomery points out the nature of
the association between Serbia and Russia. In an article written for Belgrade's
B92 website, Montgomery said that the DSS' rhetoric reflected Russian
President Vladimir Putin's vision of the world. Russia, by demonstrating its
strength, aimed to create an alliance of states that had just one thing in
common - disliking the US, he wrote.



But economic interests are also becoming a link between Moscow and Belgrade.
Serbia is facing the privatization of large state-controlled companies, in
which the Russians are very interested. Russian billionaire Oleg Deripaska
talked with Kostunica before the calling of the tender for a copper mine in the
Serbian town of Bor, in which Deripaska's company is also taking part.



Russian air carrier Aeroflot representatives visited Kostunica prior to the
beginning of the sale of Serbian air carrier JAT Airways, while Lukoil is
mentioned as one of the potential buyers of the Serbian oil company NIS. But
the Russians have not invested much money in Serbia so far. The leading
investors are precisely members of NATO - Norway and the US.



Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov recently said that Moscow would not
haggle over the US anti-missile shield in Europe and the status of Kosovo.
Georgian Foreign Minister Gela Bezhuashvili also tackled the possible reasons
for Russia's interest in Kosovo, telling the German media that the recognition
of an independent Kosovo outside of the UN could destabilize the entire
Caucasus.



The Georgian foreign minister said Russia would then "probably
recognize the Georgian province of Abkhazia," which would also be "a
precedent for the separatist groups in the Russian part of northern
Caucasus."



The Russian envoy in the troika for Kosovo, Aleksandr Botsan-Kharchenko,
echoed this sentiment, saying that the Kosovo case could create a dangerous
precedent. "Of course, that precedent can be used in other regions as
well, where there are so-called frozen conflicts," Kharchenko told Russian
news agency Interfax.



Internal rifts


Kostunica's strong policy on NATO has also led to rifts between the Serbian
ruling coalition partners, where nationalist and radicals are against NATO
membership while moderate parties believe that membership is in the state's
interest.



The prime minister's DSS, the opposition Serbian Radical Party (SRS) and
Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), formerly led by the late Milosevic, oppose
NATO membership, while the Democratic Party (DS), G17 Plus and Liberal
Democratic Party (LDP) support alliance membership.



The strongest member of the coalition, formed in May, Serbian President
Boris Tadic’s Democratic Party, did not miss the opportunity to point out that
its priorities were both EU and Euro-Atlantic integrations.



"[…] Serbia's strategic goal is for its army to be an active
participant in Euro-Atlantic integration and the Partnership for Peace, and to
be honored and respected among its friends and allies," the president said
at an army ceremony in Belgrade on 15 September.



Democratic Party whip Nada Kolundzija said that in resolving the Kosovo
issue Serbia should count on as many countries as possible, not make enemies.
She urged all Serbian parties to refrain from using the problem of Kosovo to
forward their own interests.



Serbian Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic, Tadic's close associate, also reacted
by warning the government that the anti-NATO rhetoric coming from certain
members of the DSS had caused concern among Serbia's partners and the EU.



"Even countries with whom Serbia has traditionally had good relations
have indicated concern over Belgrade's new foreign policy course," Jeremic
told B92.



The head of the European Commission's delegation in Belgrade, Josep
Lloveras, warns that the problems in Belgrade-NATO relations could affect
Serbia's European integration, adding that although these processes are
separate, they are nonetheless related.



Referring to Serbia's "anti-NATO rhetoric," Lloveras said in a
statement that "Serbia will decide by herself on her future relations with
NATO. But both processes should be regarded as coherent, or rather,
complementary."



After all that, the DSS proposed the postponement of the presidential and
local elections, which are to be called in 2007, for the period after the
resolution of Kosovo's status. Tadic's Democrats interpreted this as a heavy
blow, because they planned to make Tadic their candidate in the election.



They believe Tadic stands a much greater chance of victory against the SRS
candidate before the end of the year and the resolving of the Kosovo issue. The
entire matter brings the most benefit to the ultranationalist radicals, the
single strongest party in Serbia.



With bickering within the ruling bloc and the resolving of Kosovo's status,
time in Serbia is on the radicals' side.





Igor Jovanovic is a Belgrade-based correspondent for ISN Security Watch,
where this article was published.



http://www.speroforum.com/site/article.asp?idarticle=11060





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September 16, 2007

Kosovo: “Thinking Outside Of The Box”



Kosovo: “Thinking Outside
Of The Box”
Author: Wes Johnson, author of Balkan Inferno: Betrayal, War 15 September 2007 - Issue : 747



A front page photo in the
International Herald Tribune a few weeks ago of the blackened and twisted
remains of an automobile blown up by the Basque terrorist ETA outside a police
barracks in Spain was yet another reminder of the danger to peace and stability
posed by various liberation movements that use violence to advance their cause.



By Wes Johnson



Only a few years ago both the Irish
IRA and the French Corsicans were making their demands at the point of a gun –
and sticks of dynamite. Today, we can add the Chechens; Turkish Kurds;
Armenians in Nagorno-Karabagh; Abkhazians and Ossetians in Georgia and the
Turks of northern Cyprus to the clamor for separatism and independence. And
that is only in Europe. Consider Africa from the Western Sahara over to the
Horn. In the Middle East, we have Palestinians divided amongst them-selves and
an Iraq that may split up. In Asia, Tamils in Sri Lanka; Tibetans; and Kashmiri
and Philippine Moslems. There are dozens of such movements and organisations
around the world – some with legitimate grievances, some not. Why then is
independence for Kosovo considered to be so very urgent – mainly by the
Albanians themselves in this tiny impoverished Balkan back- water and their
powerful US supporters in Washington?



The International Crisis Group (ICG)
has issued yet another report urging independence – even without the
agreement of the UN Security Council. It calls Kosovo “a ticking time bomb in
the EU’s backyard.” This so-called independent think-tank has pushed this issue
for years, always issuing dire warnings should the Albanians not get their way.
Former US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, the architect of NATO’s 1999
bombing campaign, has often led the pack backed by Rand Corporation Director
James Dobbins. It is striking how former senior US officials dominate the ICG:
Thomas Pickering, Morton Abramowitz, Kenneth Adelman, Steven Solarz, Wesley
Clark, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Carla Hills, and Swanee Hunt. Leslie Gelb of the
Council on Foreign Relations is there as well – and others. Former ICG country
director Edward Joseph has called for US “brinkmanship” over Kosovo in order to
block Russian influence. It was an unwelcome return to Cold War rhetoric, a
blind unwillingness to accept the fact that others may see Kosovo differently
from Washington.



Given ICG efforts to undermine and
prejudge the outcome of the ongoing round of talks between the Kosovo Albanians
and Belgrade in advance, the EU’s representative to the Contact Group, Wolfgang
Ischinger, has urged both sides to “think outside of the box” – to even
consider partition if both sides want it. Previously the Contact Group had
considered such talk taboo. However, if one is to really “think outside of the
box”, then one might well imagine that Belgrade may want to table other issues
– which might promote flexibility and encourage them to consider trade-offs.
Among these might be a “green light” for the Srpska Republic to leave an
obviously dysfunctional Bosnia-Herzegovina to join their brethren across the
Drina River in Serbia; an agreed autonomy for the Krajina Serbs of Croatia, as
set out in previous UN-brokered negotiations; and finally a “dual autonomy” for
Kosovo that would give the Serbs and Albanians their own symbols, schools,
religious institutions, police, and local governing bodies. Each community
could have its own banks; and both could have tariff-free trade and other
services with Serbia and Albania respectively. Kosovo could enjoy
representation in inter-national organisations, as others do, but not full
sovereignty. As with being pregnant, there is no half way house to
“independence”. A second Albanian state in the Balkans is not needed – nor is
it desirable, as it would set a very unfortunate precedent internationally.

____________



Wes Johnson is the author of Balkan
Inferno: Betrayal, War, and Intervention 1990-2005, Enigma Books, New York, NY,
2007.



http://www.neurope.eu/articles/77689.php





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September 15, 2007

Give up Kosovo to join EU: Not as enticing to Serbia as West thinks



Give up Kosovo to join EU: Not as
enticing to Serbia as West thinks





Friday, September 14, 2007





BELGRADE: Eight years after it was hit by NATO airstrikes,
the former Yugoslav Defense Ministry still lies in ruins, a reminder of what
the Serbs consider unwarranted aggression by the West in the war over the
Serbian province of Kosovo.



Their anger is flaring up again as Western governments, particularly the
United States, speak of recognizing Kosovo this year as an independent state.
The West says that in the absence of reconciliation, doing so would help
stabilize the region by officially separating the Serbs from the ethnic
Albanians who are the majority population of Kosovo.



Serbian politicians, even pro-Western ones, say that they worry that a
recognition of Kosovo would introduce a new era of Serbian isolation and
hostility toward the West - leaving Europe with little sway here.



Since the war ended in 1999, Europe has tried to integrate Serbia into NATO
and the European Union. And as a regional power, Serbia expected an easy
pathway into Europe, especially since many of its neighbors have joined the
union.



But Europe has also demanded that Serbs make a fresh start by chasing down
important war crimes suspects wanted at the tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
in The Hague. Serbia has complied only fitfully.



If Western countries do recognize Kosovo, then "we do not need the
European Union," Velimir Ilic, Serbia's minister for infrastructure and a
key political ally of the Serbian prime minister, said in an interview.
"It means they are not our friends."



He added: "It is a tough choice, but Serbia has its pride and its
integrity."



Ilic, who has a reputation as a populist politician, is the only senior
government politician to issue such a statement. But others agree that a
nationalist backlash would chill relations with the West.



A widespread recognition of Kosovo "could lead to a chain of events
with unforeseen consequences, including the loss of Serbia's European
perspective," Leon Koen, the former head of Serbia's negotiating team on
the province, wrote in the newspaper Dnevnik.



And Serbia's senior diplomat for European integration predicted that
whatever support there is among Serbs for arresting war crimes suspects and
sending them to The Hague would vanish if Kosovo was recognized.



"I can't see how anybody would be ready to support cooperation"
with the tribunal, said Milica Delevic, a reformist who is Serbia's assistant
foreign minister responsible for relations with the EU. "We will be in
trouble."



Western governments are determined to resolve Kosovo's future to stabilize
the province and calm the ethnic Albanians who make up more than 90 percent of the
population and who largely clamor for independence. The United States has
spoken openly of recognizing Kosovo and is pushing the Europeans to settle on a
policy.



But the Europeans have painted themselves into a corner, having pushed for a
deal at the United Nations Security Council that Russia has blocked.



That leaves Europe divided just as it is trying to display a strong foreign
policy.



Kosovo has been administered by the United Nations since 1999, after a NATO
bombing campaign to oust Serbian forces who had committed widespread atrocities
against ethnic Albanians.



The wartime Yugoslav president, Slobodan Milosevic, was defeated in
elections in 2000 and turned over to the war crimes tribunal in The Hague,
where he died while his trial was under way. Yugoslavia continued its
devolution, with Montenegro finally claiming independence from Serbia in May of
2006.



Meanwhile, Serbia has made faltering progress toward membership of both the
EU and NATO. It hopes to complete formal agreements on closer ties with the EU
this year.



Last year, Serbia became a member of the NATO partnership for peace program,
one step short of full membership in the alliance.



Senior members of Serbia's pro-Western Democratic Party - including
President Boris Tadic and Foreign Minister Vuk Jeremic - have reassured Western
allies that Belgrade remains committed to membership in Euro-Atlantic
institutions regardless of what happens in Kosovo.



But signs of a break with the West are emerging, and officials close to
Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica are advocating a closer relationship with
Russia, the ally that so far has forestalled attempts in the Security Council
to grant Kosovo independence.



Political analysts said that conservative newspapers and state-owned media
have promoted more-favorable views of Russia and of President Vladimir Putin in
particular.



At the same time, conservatives within Kostunica's circle are questioning
the value of ties with NATO.



"We want cooperation but not full membership," said Dusan
Prorokovic, Serbia's state secretary for Kosovo and a senior member of
Kostunica's Serbian Democratic party, adding that most Serbs have never
forgiven the alliance for its entry into the war and 78-day bombing campaign.
"Personally, I cannot forget that."



Two senior government ministers have accused NATO of trying to make Kosovo a
state for its own purposes.



In fact, public support for NATO has never been high, and skepticism of the
European Union has increased as negotiations drag on, according to opinion poll
professionals.



Support for EU membership fell to 53 percent in August, according to the
Strategic Marketing agency.



"The debate is being steered in a direction that makes strategy toward
NATO membership and the European Union very difficult," said Delevic, the
assistant foreign minister responsible for relations with the EU.



European Union officials, meanwhile, insist that a compromise between ethnic
Albanians and Serbs is possible.



Whatever the outcome, officials in Brussels argue that Serbia's long-term
interests lie with the West.



"I don't think Serbs want to be part of the Russian Federation. They
see their future in the European Union," Cristina Gallach, a spokeswoman
for Javier Solana, the EU chief foreign policy representative, said in a
telephone interview.



But as the decision time for Kosovo looms, regional analysts said that the
nationalists who dominate Serbia's Parliament control events in the country.



"People in Brussels presume that every country in Europe is dying to
get into the European Union," said James Lyon, Belgrade director of the
International Crisis Group, a policy research group with offices throughout the
Balkans.



But if Kosovo splits off, Lyon said in a telephone interview, Europe's
leverage over Serbia will evaporate, along with its ability to promote reform.



"What do you do with a country that doesn't want EU membership?"
he asked.










Notes:



http://www.iht.com/articles/2007/09/14/europe/serbia.php





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