http://uruknet.info/?p=m41436&s1=h1
URUKNET (ITALY)
The Oil factor in Kosovo independence
Abdus Sattar Ghazali
February 24, 2008
On February 17, Kosovo broke away from Serbia and declared its
independence. Not surprisingly it was instantly recognized as a state by the
U.S., Germany, Britain and France. With 4203 square miles area, Kosovo may
be a tiny territory but in the great game of oil politics it holds great
importance which is in inverse proportion to its size.
Kosovo does not have oil but its location is strategic as the
trans-Balkan pipeline - known as AMBO pipeline after its builder and
operator the US-registered Albanian Macedonian Bulgarian Oil Corporation -
will pass through it.
The pipeline will pump Caspian oil from the Bulgarian port of
Burgas via Macedonia to the Albanian port of Vlora, for transport to
European countries and the United States. Specifically, the 1.1 billion
dollar AMBO pipeline will permit oil companies operating in the Caspian Sea
to ship their oil to Rotterdam and the East Coast of the USA at
substantially less cost than they are experiencing today.
When operational by 2011, the pipeline will become a part of the
region's critical East-West corridor infrastructure which includes highway,
railway, gas and fiber optic telecommunications lines. This pipeline will
bring oil directly to the European market by eliminating tanker traffic
through the ecologically sensitive waters of the Aegean and Mediterranean
Seas.
In 2000, the United States Government's Trade and Development
Agency financed a feasibility study of pipeline which updated and enlarged
the project's original feasibility study dating from early 1996. Brown &
Root Energy Services, a wholly-owned British subsidiary of Halliburton
completed the original feasibility study for this project.
The US Trade and Development Agency's paper published May 2000,
which assesses that the pipeline is a US strategic interest. According to
the paper, the pipeline will provide oil and gas to the US market worth
$600m a month, adding that the pipeline is necessary because the oil coming
from the Caspian sea will quickly surpass the safe capacity of the
Bosphorus.
The project is necessary, according to a paper, because the oil
coming from the Caspian sea "will quickly surpass the safe capacity of the
Bosphorus as a shipping lane". The scheme, the agency notes, will
"provide a
consistent source of crude oil to American refineries", "provide
American
companies with a key role in developing the vital east-west corridor",
"advance the privatisation aspirations of the US government in the
region"
and "facilitate rapid integration" of the Balkans "with western
Europe".
The pipeline itself, the agency says, has also been formally
supported "since 1994". The first feasibility study, backed by the
US, was
conducted in 1996.
In November 1998, Bill Richardson, the then US energy secretary,
spelt out his policy on the extraction and transport of Caspian oil. "This
is about America's energy security," he explained. "It's also about
preventing strategic inroads by those who don't share our values. We're
trying to move these newly independent countries toward the west.
"We would like to see them reliant on western commercial and
political interests rather than going another way. We've made a substantial
political investment in the Caspian, and it's very important to us that both
the pipeline map and the politics come out right."
Professor Michel Chossudovsky, author of America at War in
Macedonia, provides a deep insight into the
Albanian-Macedonian-Bulgarian-Oil Pipeline project:
"The US based AMBO pipeline consortium is directly linked to the
seat of political and military power in the United States and Vice President
Dick Cheney's firm Halliburton Energy. The feasibility study for AMBO's
Trans-Balkan Oil Pipeline, conducted by the international engineering
company of Brown & Root Ltd. [Halliburton's British subsidiary] has
determined that this pipeline will become a part of the region's critical
East-West corridor infrastructure which includes highway, railway, gas and
fibre optic telecommunications lines.
"Coincidentally, White and Case LLT, the New York law firm that
President William J. Clinton joined when he left the White House also has a
stake in the AMBO pipeline deal.
"And upon completion of the feasibility study by Halliburton, a
senior executive of Halliburton was appointed CEO of AMBO. Halliburton was
also granted a contract to service US troops in the Balkans and build
"Bondsteel" in Kosovo, which now constitutes "the largest
American foreign
military base constructed since Vietnam".
"The AMBO Trans-Balkans pipeline project would link up with the
pipeline corridors between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea basin, which
lies at the hub of the World's largest unexplored oil reserves. The
militarization of these various corridors is an integral part of
Washington's design.
"The US policy of "protecting the pipeline routes" out of the
Caspian Sea basin (and across the Balkans) was spelled out by Clinton's
Energy Secretary Bill Richardson barely a few months prior to the 1999
bombing of Yugoslavia: This is about America's energy security. It's also
about preventing strategic inroads by those who don't share our values.
We're trying to move these newly independent countries toward the west. We
would like to see them reliant on western commercial and political interests
rather than going another way. We've made a substantial political investment
in the Caspian, and it's very important to us that both the pipeline map and
the politics come out right.
"In favour of the AMBO pipeline negotiations, the U.S.
Government has been directly supportive through its Trade and Development
Agency (TDA) and the South Balkan Development Initiative (SBDI). The TDI
suggested the need for Albania, Macedonia, and Bulgaria to "use regional
synergies to leverage new public and private capital [from U.S.
companies]"
while also asserting responsibility of the U.S. Government "for
implementing
the initiative."
And the U.S. Government has fulfilled its role in promoting the
AMBO project, granting several contracts to Halliburton for servicing U.S.
troops in the Balkans, including a five year contract authorized in June of
2005 by the U.S. Army at a value of $1.25 billion, despite criminal
allegations made against Halliburton that are currently being probed by the
F.B.I., according to Craig A. Brannagan author of On the Political
Executive: Public or Private?
This leaves little doubt that the war in the former Yugoslavia
was fought solely in order to secure access to oil from new and biddable
states in central Asia. It is obvious that the former Yugoslavia, especially
Serbia, was a serious problem for the realization of the plan. The
intervention in Kosovo and Metohija was carried out in order to please
Albania, whose port of Vlore is the ultimate destination of the pipeline.
In 1998, fighting breaks out between Serbian forces and ethnic
Albanians in Kosovo. President Milosevic sends in troops, and atrocities
were committed. This opens the door for NATO's Operation Allied Force,
occupying Kosovo in 1999 and then handing it over to the UN, with a huge
American presence in the area. UN resolution 1244 is drafted stipulating
that Kosovo is Serbian land, and at the same time gives Kosovars governance
autonomy.
June 1999, in the immediate aftermath of the bombing of
Yugoslavia, US forces seized 1,000 acres of farmland in southeast Kosovo at
Uresevic, near the Macedonian border, and began the construction of Camp
Bondsteel which is the biggest construction project of a US military base
since the war in Vietnam. Now, why would the United States build such a
massive camp in Kosovo?
In evaluating Kosovo's independence, it is also important to
know that Kosovo is not gaining independence or even minimal
self-government.
It will be run by an appointed High Representative and bodies
appointed by the U.S., European Union and NATO. An old-style colonial
viceroy and imperialist administrators will have control over foreign and
domestic policy. It is similar to the absolute power held by L. Paul Bremer
in the first two years of the U.S. occupation of Iraq. U.S. has merely
consolidated its direct control of a totally dependent colony in the heart
of the Balkans.
An International Civilian Representative (ICR) will be appointed
by U.S. and E.U. officials to oversee Kosovo. This appointed official can
overrule any measures, annul any laws and remove anyone from office in
Kosovo. The ICR will have full and final control over the departments of
Customs, Taxation, Treasury and Banking.
The E.U. will establish a European Security and Defense Policy
Mission (ESDP) and NATO will establish an International Military Presence.
Both these appointed bodies will have control over foreign policy, security,
police, judiciary, all courts and prisons.
These bodies and the ICR will have final say over what crimes
can be prosecuted and against whom; they can reverse or annul any decision
made. The largest prison in Kosovo is at the U.S. base, Camp Bondsteel,
where prisoners are held without charges, judicial overview or
representation.
US has argued the case of Kosovo is unique and that separatists
in other states in Europe and the Balkans will not receive aid and welcome
from major powers. "It is incorrect to view this as a precedent and it
doesn't serve any purpose to view it as a precedent," said Alejandro
Wolff,
US deputy permanent representative to the UN. He may be right because other
separatists may not have any attraction for the oil giants.
However, the Kosovo independence bolsters hopes of militants in
the Indian-controlled Kashmir to achieve the same status for the disputed
territory. "The world community, the European Union in particular, should
play a Kosovo-like role in getting the dispute resolved in Kashmir," says
Yasin Malik, chairman of pro-independence group Jammu Kashmir Liberation
Front.
Although several countries have recognized Kosovo as a new state
but India said it was studying the legal ramifications. India is wary of
recognizing Kosovo as an independent state because of its potential
implications for Kashmir, racked by a nearly two-decade freedom struggle
against New Delhi's occupation that has left more than 43,000 people dead.
Article nr. 41436 sent on 25-feb-2008 12:21 ECT
February 25, 2008
The Oil factor in Kosovo independence
Kosovo's independence could haunt us
http://www.stcatharinesstandard.ca/ArticleDisplay.aspx?e=916336
ST. CATHARINES STANDARD (CANADA)
EDITORIAL
Kosovo's independence could haunt us
Posted By Scott Taylor
Posted 44 mins ago
On the weekend of Feb. 16-17, the streets of Kosovo were flooded with
citizens celebrating a unilateral declaration of independence by ethnic
Albanian Prime Minister Hashim Thaci. This much-anticipated announcement
formally severed all official ties between the disputed province and the
rest of Serbia, thereby creating Europe's newest state.
The United States was the first to recognize Kosovo's independence, with
President George W. Bush sending his congratulations to Thaci from a stop in
Tanzania. The United Kingdom, Germany and France were quick to follow suit,
and with these big powers on board, the Albanian Kosovars popped the
champagne corks and throughout the capital city of Pristina throngs of
people waved a sea of red and black flags in celebration.
For people only paying casual attention to this long-simmering Balkan hot
spot, Thaci's declaration of independence may indeed be viewed as a joyous
occasion. In fact, most Canadians may be forgiven if they thought this whole
matter was resolved back in the summer of 1999.
After a 78-day bombing campaign, NATO had negotiated a ceasefire agreement
with the Serbian government. Under the terms of UN Resolution 1244, Serbian
security forces would withdraw from Kosovo, and under NATO military
supervision, the 800,000 Albanian Kosovar refugees who had fled the fighting
would be repatriated. The Albanian guerrillas - known as the Kosovo
Liberation Army (KLA) - were to be disarmed and demobilized by NATO troops,
who would also ensure the safety of Kosovo's 200,000 ethnic Serb civilians.
Resolution 1244 made it very clear that under the UN Charter, Kosovo would
remain the sovereign territory of Serbia. Over the past nine years, NATO has
failed to uphold its part of the bargain. The KLA was never disarmed; they
were simply formalized into the Kosovo Protection Corps. Serb civilians
suffered widespread violent reprisals from Albanian extremists resulting in
a mass exodus with fewer than 40,000 ethnic Serbs still residing in
protected enclaves. There was also no progress made towards a negotiated
settlement of Kosovo's status between Belgrade and Pristina authorities.
With Serbia unwilling to relinquish the sovereignty of this province - the
religious heartland of the Serbian people - there was no legal way to push
independence through the UN Security Council. That impasse is what led to
the Feb. 17 unilateral declaration, and the deep divide within the
international community over this clear violation of the rule of law and the
UN Charter. The Canadian Foreign Affairs Department understands that any
rapid recognition of a disputed province's declaration of independence from
another country could create a dangerous precedent, which might come back to
haunt us.
So while Canada looks at what diplomatic options are available, let's review
some of the background. Up until 1998, the U.S. State Department regarded
the KLA as a terrorist organization. The KLA's assassinations and bomb
attacks against government officials led to a heavy-handed Serbian military
crackdown. At this point the Americans changed horses and decried the Serb
reprisals rather than the terror provocations of the KLA. Under U.S.
pressure an ultimatum was issued by NATO to Serbia in February 1999, and the
KLA was suddenly legitimized as freedom fighters.
By March 24 of that year, when the deadline expired without Serbia's
compliance, NATO began bombing Kosovo and Serbia. Within days a trickle of
refugees became a flood as some 800,000 Albanians fled the renewed fighting
and the NATO bombing. Once this whole incident had ballooned into a
humanitarian crisis of epic proportion, NATO used the suffering of the
Albanians to further justify their intervention.
Putting recent history aside, the fact remains that Kosovo is simply not
viable as an independent country. It is a landlocked, mountainous province,
not quite twice the size of Prince Edward Island, with a population of two
million. The unemployment rate stands at 50 per cent; for those working the
average annual income ranges around $2,400 Cdn. a year. Prostitution and
illegal drugs form the major pillar of Kosovo's economy, with the other main
infusion coming from the annual foreign donations of approximately $600
million.
The red and black flag they wave is the Albanian flag, not Kosovar. And as a
result of the ongoing violent attacks against non-Albanians in the province,
this is now one of the most ethnically-cleansed territories in all of
Europe.
Prime Minister Thaci is a former ruthless KLA warlord who called himself
"Snake" and the commander of the Kosovo Protection Corps is Agim
Ceku, who
made a notorious name for himself as a war criminal in Croatia.
Given the rotten foundation upon which Kosovo intends to build its own
independent state, I think Canada would be well advised to uphold the UN
Charter in this instance, and to respect the rule of international law.
Scott Taylor reported from inside Serbia and Kosovo during the 1999 bombing
campaign and has made more than 20 subsequent visits to the region. He is a
member of the Osprey Writers Group.