http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/55684
AMERICAN CHRONICLE (USA)
Serbia, Kosovo, the US and the UN
Dr. George Voskopoulos
March 18, 2008
The recent crisis in Kosovo has taken by surprise only those who are not
aware of the problems south-eastern Europe has faced in the post-Cold War
era. It should be ana-lyzed on different levels with a view to providing
answers to specific questions refer-ring to statehood, stability and the
United Nations system.
First, the unilateral declaration of independence on the part of a Serbian
province, whose vast majority is populated by ethnic Albanians, sets the
dilemma originally set in the early post-Cold War era of setting priorities
between stability and human rights. It is obvious here that priority was
given to human rights although recent history has shown that any solution
that does not support territorial stability is destined either to fail or
produce undesired side-effects such as the revolt of ethnic Serbs in
northern Kosovo.
Once again it is obvious that out-of-system interference by powerful actors
has trig-gered reactions and threatens stability and peace in the region.
Kosovo has been an historic symbol for Serbs ever since the Ottoman era
consequently territorial changes could not be accepted by ethnic Serbs. The
violation of human rights in the region during the Milosevic era provided
the desired by separatists, nationalists and former warlords ground for
establishing an independent statelet that lacks basic sustainability
criteria such as a democratic system of governance, lack of the rule of law
and a par-liamentary system that will allow Serbs to express themselves.
The issue here refers to what this new state can add to the Balkan conundrum
and what our expectations are from its leadership. First current Albanian
leaders in Kos-ovo were part of the belligerents that caused turmoil in the
region. It was the Ameri-can government that had labeled them terrorists in
the recent past. A drastic change of mood led to a second evaluation and
offered them support in becoming the acknowl-edged leaders of a state,
epicenter of a number of illegal activities in the region namely drugs,
weapons and human trafficking. Second, the solutions could not be ac-cepted
by Belgrade because Serbs were not offered substantial carrots.
On the contrary, the country was territorially mutilated without receiving
an alterna-tive. To those who have studied the region and lived there it is
obvious that a weak Serbia, a wish materialized in sequences by foreign
interference, is not a step towards stability and intra-Balkan cooperation.
It leads Serbia to total isolation, assists nation-alism, deprives it of
incentives to cooperate with the world community and drives it to political
instability. Belgrade holds the key to regional stability and peace in
south-eastern Europe and this was evident in the 1990s crises. It triggers
once again dreams of greatness and territorial expansionism on the part of
nationalists. These could be used by any powerful intruding actor who would
decide to reactive south-east Euro-pean tectonic plates.
Finally, the decision to support a unilateral declaration of independence
overlays the normative, regulatory role of the UN, a policy supported by
those who envisage a post-UN world order based on power. Eventually it was
the very same policy many condemned when they reacted to S. Milosevic regime
and its tactics. In the future the decision may activate pockets of
instability, although naïveté suggests that it is a sui generis case.
The Balkans once again has become the battleground of great power
competition. Russia is moving in using its energy policy and its traditional
ties with the Slavs, while the US is reacting by turning it into a NATO
fortress.
The only sustainable solution is to advance a human right regime delinking
human rights from territorial issues and border changes. The long
inaugurated effort to weaken Serbia and turn it into a minor player in the
region has jeopardized efforts to stabilize the Balkans and incorporate
Belgrade into the euro-Atlantic core.
__,_._,___
AMERICAN CHRONICLE (USA)
Serbia, Kosovo, the US and the UN
Dr. George Voskopoulos
March 18, 2008
The recent crisis in Kosovo has taken by surprise only those who are not
aware of the problems south-eastern Europe has faced in the post-Cold War
era. It should be ana-lyzed on different levels with a view to providing
answers to specific questions refer-ring to statehood, stability and the
United Nations system.
First, the unilateral declaration of independence on the part of a Serbian
province, whose vast majority is populated by ethnic Albanians, sets the
dilemma originally set in the early post-Cold War era of setting priorities
between stability and human rights. It is obvious here that priority was
given to human rights although recent history has shown that any solution
that does not support territorial stability is destined either to fail or
produce undesired side-effects such as the revolt of ethnic Serbs in
northern Kosovo.
Once again it is obvious that out-of-system interference by powerful actors
has trig-gered reactions and threatens stability and peace in the region.
Kosovo has been an historic symbol for Serbs ever since the Ottoman era
consequently territorial changes could not be accepted by ethnic Serbs. The
violation of human rights in the region during the Milosevic era provided
the desired by separatists, nationalists and former warlords ground for
establishing an independent statelet that lacks basic sustainability
criteria such as a democratic system of governance, lack of the rule of law
and a par-liamentary system that will allow Serbs to express themselves.
The issue here refers to what this new state can add to the Balkan conundrum
and what our expectations are from its leadership. First current Albanian
leaders in Kos-ovo were part of the belligerents that caused turmoil in the
region. It was the Ameri-can government that had labeled them terrorists in
the recent past. A drastic change of mood led to a second evaluation and
offered them support in becoming the acknowl-edged leaders of a state,
epicenter of a number of illegal activities in the region namely drugs,
weapons and human trafficking. Second, the solutions could not be ac-cepted
by Belgrade because Serbs were not offered substantial carrots.
On the contrary, the country was territorially mutilated without receiving
an alterna-tive. To those who have studied the region and lived there it is
obvious that a weak Serbia, a wish materialized in sequences by foreign
interference, is not a step towards stability and intra-Balkan cooperation.
It leads Serbia to total isolation, assists nation-alism, deprives it of
incentives to cooperate with the world community and drives it to political
instability. Belgrade holds the key to regional stability and peace in
south-eastern Europe and this was evident in the 1990s crises. It triggers
once again dreams of greatness and territorial expansionism on the part of
nationalists. These could be used by any powerful intruding actor who would
decide to reactive south-east Euro-pean tectonic plates.
Finally, the decision to support a unilateral declaration of independence
overlays the normative, regulatory role of the UN, a policy supported by
those who envisage a post-UN world order based on power. Eventually it was
the very same policy many condemned when they reacted to S. Milosevic regime
and its tactics. In the future the decision may activate pockets of
instability, although naïveté suggests that it is a sui generis case.
The Balkans once again has become the battleground of great power
competition. Russia is moving in using its energy policy and its traditional
ties with the Slavs, while the US is reacting by turning it into a NATO
fortress.
The only sustainable solution is to advance a human right regime delinking
human rights from territorial issues and border changes. The long
inaugurated effort to weaken Serbia and turn it into a minor player in the
region has jeopardized efforts to stabilize the Balkans and incorporate
Belgrade into the euro-Atlantic core.
__,_._,___
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